Франко -испанская война велась с 1635 по 1659 год между Францией и Испанией , каждую из которых в разные моменты поддерживали разные союзники. Первая фаза, начавшаяся в мае 1635 года и завершившаяся Вестфальским миром 1648 года , считается родственным конфликтом Тридцатилетней войны . Вторая фаза продолжалась до 1659 года, когда Франция и Испания согласились на условия мира по Пиренейскому договору .
Основные районы конфликта включали северную Италию , испанские Нидерланды и немецкую Рейнскую область . Кроме того, Франция поддерживала восстания против испанского правления в Португалии (1640–1668), Каталонии (1640–1653) и Неаполе (1647), а с 1647 по 1653 год Испания поддерживала французских повстанцев в гражданской войне, известной как Фронда . Оба также поддерживали противостоящие стороны в гражданской войне в Пьемонте с 1639 по 1642 годы .
Франция избегала прямого участия в Тридцатилетней войне до мая 1635 года, когда она объявила войну Испании и Священной Римской империи и вступила в конфликт как союзник Голландской республики и Швеции . После Вестфалии в 1648 году война между Испанией и Францией продолжалась, и ни одна из сторон не смогла добиться решительной победы. Франция добилась некоторых успехов во Фландрии и на северо-восточной оконечности Пиренеев , но к 1658 году обе стороны были финансово истощены, что побудило их заключить мир в ноябре 1659 года.
Территориальные завоевания Франции были незначительными, но укрепили границы королевства. Людовик XIV женился на Марии Терезии Испанской , старшей дочери Филиппа IV . Испания оставалась великой державой и сохранила обширную глобальную империю , но договор ознаменовал конец ее положения как доминирующей европейской державы в течение оставшейся части 17 века. [6] [7]
Европа в 17 веке была охвачена борьбой между королями Франции Бурбонами и их соперниками Габсбургами в Испании и Священной Римской империи . До середины 20 века Тридцатилетняя война рассматривалась в первую очередь как немецкий религиозный конфликт. В 1938 году британский историк Вероника Веджвуд утверждала, что это на самом деле является частью более широкой продолжающейся европейской борьбы, в центре которой находится конфликт Габсбургов и Бурбонов . Некоторые историки предполагают, что франко-испанская война была просто частью гораздо более широкого сражения с множеством разных мест и участников. [8]
В течение 1620-х годов Франция находилась под угрозой внутри страны серией восстаний гугенотов и снаружи со стороны владений Габсбургов на ее границах в испанских Нидерландах , Лотарингии , Эльзасе , Франш-Конте и Руссильоне . До 1635 года Франция стремилась ослабить обе ветви Габсбургов, финансируя их противников, в том числе голландцев , клиентов в Северной Италии и Граубюндене , Османов , Венецианскую республику , Трансильванию и Швецию . После 1635 года Франция вмешалась напрямую через антигабсбургские союзы с голландцами и шведами и поддержала восстания деньгами и войсками в Каталонии , Португалии и Неаполе [9].
Со своей стороны, Габсбурги поддерживали гугенотов и многочисленные заговоры, возглавляемые феодалами, которые возмущались потерей власти при кардинале Ришелье и его преемнике кардинале Мазарини . Наиболее значительными из них были заговор Монморанси 1632 года , восстание Принцев де Пэ в 1641 году и Сен-Мар в 1642 году. Испания также помогла финансировать гражданскую войну во Франции 1648–1653 годов, известную как Фронда . [10]
Более широкое сотрудничество между испанскими и австрийскими Габсбургами было ограничено, поскольку их цели не всегда совпадали. Испания была глобальной морской державой, а Австрия была прежде всего европейской сухопутной державой и ориентировалась на Священную Римскую империю, в которую входило более 1800 государств, большинство из которых были чрезвычайно маленькими. Хотя Габсбурги были императорами Священной Римской империи с 1440 года, их контроль над империей был ослаблен Аугсбургским миром 1555 года , который продолжался в период, предшествовавший 1620 году. Изменение этой тенденции было главной целью Габсбургов во время Тридцатилетней войны. но неудача была признана Вестфальским миром 1648 года . [11]
Франция столкнулась с той же проблемой расхождения целей со своими союзниками. Война совпала с периодом экономического превосходства, известным как Золотой век Голландии , и к 1640 году многие голландские государственные деятели рассматривали французские амбиции в испанских Нидерландах как угрозу. [12] В отличие от Франции, шведские военные цели были ограничены Германией, и в 1641 году шведы рассматривали сепаратный мир с императором Фердинандом III . [13]
С конца 16 века Италия, особенно Неаполитанское королевство , была основным источником денег для испанской армии Фландрии . [14] В результате большая часть боевых действий сосредоточилась на Испанской дороге , маршруте снабжения землей, соединяющем испанские владения в Италии с Фландрией , но также проходившем через районы, которые считались жизненно важными для французской безопасности, такие как Эльзас . Независимое герцогство Савойское и герцогство Миланское, находившееся под контролем Испании , были стратегически важны для Дороги, но также обеспечивали доступ к уязвимым южным границам Франции и территориям Габсбургов в Австрии . Ришелье стремился положить конец испанскому господству в этих областях, и эта цель была в основном достигнута к моменту его смерти в 1642 году. [11]
До появления железных дорог в 19 веке вода была основным средством транспортировки массовых грузов, и кампании были сосредоточены на контроле над реками и портами. Армии полагались на добычу пищи , а кормление тяглового скота, необходимого для транспорта и кавалерии, ограничивало проведение кампаний зимой. К 1630-м годам сельская местность была опустошена годами постоянных войн, которые ограничивали размер армий и их способность проводить операции. Болезни убили гораздо больше солдат, чем боевые действия. Французская армия, вторгшаяся во Фландрию в мае 1635 года, к началу июля сократилась из-за дезертирства и болезней с 27 000 до менее 17 000 человек. [15]
.jpg/1280px-Luis_XIII,_rey_de_Francia_(Philippe_de_Champaigne).jpg)
Тридцатилетняя война началась в 1618 году, когда чешские поместья, в которых доминировали протестанты , предложили корону Богемии Фридриху V Пфальцскому вместо консервативного католического императора Фердинанда II . Большая часть Священной Римской империи оставалась нейтральной и рассматривала это как спор о наследстве, и восстание было быстро подавлено. Однако, когда Фридрих отказался признать поражение, имперские войска вторглись в Пфальц и вынудили его покинуть страну. Устранение потомственного принца изменило характер и масштабы войны. [16] В сочетании с возобновлением Контрреформации это представляло прямую угрозу как имперским протестантским государствам, так и внешним державам, удерживавшим имперские территории. В их число входили голландский принц Оранский , потомственный правитель Нассау-Дилленбурга , и Кристиан IV Датский , который также был герцогом Гольштейн-Готторпским . Это предоставило Ришелье дополнительные возможности ослабить своих противников Габсбургов в Испании и Империи, но избежать прямого конфликта. [17]
В результате католическая Франция поддержала протестантскую Голландскую республику в ее войне против Испании и профинансировала сначала датскую , а затем шведскую интервенцию в Империю. В 1630 году Густав Адольф из Швеции вторгся в Померанию частично для того, чтобы поддержать своих протестантских единоверцев, но он также стремился получить контроль над балтийской торговлей , которая обеспечивала большую часть доходов Швеции. [18] Шведская интервенция продолжалась после его смерти в Лютцене в 1632 году, но вызвала напряженность в отношениях с Саксонией и Бранденбург-Пруссией , чьи земли были опустошены чумой и голодом, сопровождавшими войну. [19] Значительная имперско-испанская победа при Нёрдлингене в сентябре 1634 года вынудила шведов покинуть южную Германию, и большинство их немецких союзников воспользовались возможностью заключить мир с Фердинандом II в Праге в апреле 1635 года. [20]
Другим крупным европейским конфликтом того периода была Восьмидесятилетняя война (1568-1648) между Испанией и Голландской республикой, приостановленная в 1609 году Двенадцатилетним перемирием . [21] Испанцы категорически возражали против его коммерческих положений, и когда Филипп IV стал королем в 1621 году, он возобновил войну. Цена оказалась чрезвычайно высокой и возросла после 1628 года из-за опосредованной войны с Францией из-за мантуанского престолонаследия . Испанская империя достигла своего максимального номинального размера при правлении Филиппа, но ее размер и сложность затрудняли управление или проведение существенных реформ. [22] Однако его богатые ресурсы последовательно позволяли ему оправиться от поражений, которые разрушили бы другие державы, а новые правила, принятые в 1631 и 1632 годах, сыграли ключевую роль в улучшении испанских военных действий в первой части войны. [23]
In 1628, the Dutch captured the Spanish treasure fleet, which they used to finance the capture of 's-Hertogenbosch the following year. The powerful Amsterdam mercantile lobby saw that as an opportunity to end the war. Negotiations ended without result in 1633 but strengthened the peace party.[24] The Peace of Prague led to rumours of a proposed Austro-Spanish offensive in the Netherlands and led Louis XIII of France and Richelieu to decide on direct intervention. In early 1635, they signed an agreement with Bernard of Saxe-Weimar to provide 16,000 troops for a campaign in Alsace and the Rhineland, formed an anti-Spanish alliance with the Dutch and signed the Treaty of Compiègne with Sweden.[25]
In May, a French army of 27,000 invaded the Spanish Netherlands and defeated a smaller Spanish force at Les Avins and besieged Leuven on 24 June, where they were joined by Dutch reinforcements. Disease and lack of supplies quickly reduced the besieging army, which withdrew in the face of a relief force under Ottavio Piccolomini on 4 July.[26] Led by Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand of Austria, the Spanish took the initiative and captured Limbourg, Gennep, Diest and Goch and besieged Dutch garrisons in the Duchy of Cleves. The French retreated across the border, and the Dutch, under Frederick Henry, marched urgently on the strategic position of Schenkenschans. Captured by the Spanish on 28 July, it was recovered only after a long and costly siege.[15]
After that failure, the States General of the Netherlands opposed further large-scale land operations in favour of attacks on Spanish trade.[27] In the campaign of 1636, Philip switched his focus to recovering territories in the Low Countries, while a Franco-Savoyard offensive in Lombardy was defeated at Tornavento in June. A Spanish incursion led by Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand into northern France captured the key fortified town of Corbie in August, but despite causing panic in Paris, the campaign did not continue past Corbie due to high risks deemed by the Cardinal-Infante, and the attack was not repeated as the Cardinal-Infante himself would fall ill not long after in the coming years.[28]
As agreed at Compiègne in 1635, the French replaced Swedish garrisons in Alsace. Prior to his death in 1639, Bernard of Saxe-Weimar won a series of victories over the Imperials in the Rhineland, notably the capture of Breisach in December 1638.[29] Severing the Spanish Road meant the Spanish armies in Flanders had to be resupplied by sea, which made them vulnerable to attack by the Dutch States Navy, which destroyed a large Spanish fleet at the Battle of the Downs in 1639. Although most convoys managed to get through, that illustrated the difficulties Spain faced in sustaining its war effort in the Low Countries.[30]
With Spanish resources stretched to the limit in Europe, the Dutch used the opportunity to attack their possessions in the Americas, Africa and Asia, especially those belonging to the Portuguese Empire, which was also ruled by Philip IV. Spanish inability to protect those interests caused increasing unrest in Portugal.[31] Damage to the economy and tax increases imposed to pay for the war led to protests throughout Spanish territories, which in 1640 erupted into open revolts in Portugal and Catalonia.[32] In 1641, the Catalan Courts recognised Louis XIII of France as Count of Barcelona and the ruler of the Principality of Catalonia.[33] However, they soon found the new administration differed little from the old, which turned the war into a three sided contest between the Franco-Catalan elite, the rural peasantry and the Spanish.[34]
Louis XIII died on 14 May 1643, and was succeeded by his five-year-old son, Louis XIV, whose mother, the former Spanish princess, Anne of Austria, took control of the Regency Council that ruled in his name. Five days later, Louis II de Bourbon, Prince of Condé, then known as the duc d'Enghien, defeated the Spanish Army of Flanders at Rocroi. Less decisive than often thought, the battle led to the loss of the veteran army and ended Spanish dominance of the European battlefield.[35] It also gave Condé, a member of the royal family and the effective ruler of large parts of eastern France, leverage in his struggle with Anne and Cardinal Mazarin.[36]
Despite some successes in northern France and the Spanish Netherlands, including victory at Lens in August 1648, France was unable to knock Spain out of the war. In the Holy Roman Empire, Imperial victories at Tuttlingen and Mergentheim were offset by French success at Nördlingen and Zusmarshausen. In Italy, French-backed Savoyard offensives against the Spanish-ruled Duchy of Milan achieved little because of lack of resources and the disruption caused by the 1639 to 1642 Piedmontese Civil War. Victory at Orbetello in June 1646, and the recapture of Naples in 1647 left Spain firmly in control of the region.[37]
The 1648 Peace of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years' War, recognised Dutch independence and ended the drain on Spanish resources. Under the October 1648 Treaty of Münster, France gained strategic locations in Alsace and Lorraine, as well as Pinerolo, which controlled access to Alpine passes in Northern Italy.[37] However, the peace excluded Italy, Imperial territories in the Low Countries and French-occupied Lorraine. Although Emperor Ferdinand was now at peace with France, the fighting between France and Spain continued.[38]
After Philip IV of Spain had declared bankruptcy in 1647, he reduced expenditure by prioritising the retaking of Catalonia and remaining on the defensive elsewhere. In addition, many of his best troops had been lost at Rocroi and parts of Flanders overrun, including the key port of Dunkirk, a centre for Spanish privateer attacks on Dutch and French shipping.[d] However, his position improved after the Peace of Westphalia ended the Dutch war, and political and economic turmoil in France led to a civil war, the Fronde.[40]
Philip initially hoped simply to improve the terms on offer from France, but the Fronde allowed him to make substantial gains in the Netherlands, including retaking Ypres. Elsewhere, neither side was able to win a significant advantage. In 1650, Spanish success in crushing the Neapolitan Revolt was offset by the loss of Barcelona to French-backed Catalan rebels. Mazarin forced Condé into exile in the Spanish Netherlands in 1651, where his immense prestige in territories adjacent to the Spanish possession of Franche-Comté made him a valuable ally for Philip.[41]
Over the course of 1652, Spain recaptured both Dunkirk and Barcelona, and although limited combat continued in Roussillon, the front by 1653 had stabilised along the modern Pyrenees border.[42] However, doing so forced Philip into bankruptcy again, while the end of the Fronde allowed Mazarin to resume attacks on Milan, possession of which would allow France to threaten Habsburg Austria. The attempt failed despite support from Savoy, Modena and Portugal.[43] By now, the two antagonists were exhausted, with neither able to establish dominance. From 1654 to 1656, major French victories at Arras, Landrecies and Saint-Ghislain were offset by Spanish victories at Pavia and Valenciennes. Under pressure from Pope Alexander VII, Mazarin offered peace terms but refused to accept Philip's insistence for Condé to be restored to his French titles and lands.[44] Since the Spanish king viewed this as a personal obligation to Condé, the war continued.[45]
France had previously relied on the Dutch to provide naval support against Spain, which ended after Westphalia. In 1657, Mazarin replaced the loss by negotiating an anti-Spanish alliance with the Commonwealth of England. That expanded the scope of the Anglo-Spanish War (1654–1660), and France withdrew support for the exiled Charles II of England, whose supporters joined the Spanish as a result.[46] After the Anglo-French capture of Dunkirk in June 1658, Philip requested a truce, which Mazarin refused, but once again success proved illusory. On 15 August, Spain won an important victory at Camprodon in Catalonia, Oliver Cromwell's death in September led to political chaos in England, and fighting in northern Italy ended when French allies Savoy and Modena agreed to a truce with the Spanish commander, Caracena.[47]
On 8 May 1659, France and Spain began negotiating terms; the death of Oliver Cromwell in September 1658 weakened England, which was allowed to observe but excluded from the talks. Although the Anglo-Spanish War was suspended after the 1660 restoration of Charles II, it did not formally end until the Treaty of Madrid (1667).[48]
Under the Treaty of the Pyrenees, signed on 5 November 1659, France gained Artois and Hainaut along its border with the Spanish Netherlands, as well as Roussillon. These were more significant than often assumed; in combination with the 1648 Treaty of Münster, France strengthened its borders in the east and south-west, while in 1662, Charles II sold Dunkirk to France. Acquisition of Roussillon established the Franco-Spanish border along the Pyrenees, but divided the historic Principality of Catalonia, an event still commemorated each year by French Catalan-speakers in Perpignan.[49] In addition to these territorial loses, Spain was forced to recognize and confirm all of the French territorial gains at the Peace of Westphalia.[50]
France withdrew support from Afonso VI of Portugal, while Louis XIV renounced his claim to be Count of Barcelona, and king of Catalonia. Condé regained his possessions and titles, as did many of his followers, such as the Comte de Montal, but his political power was broken, and he did not hold military command again until 1667.[51]
An integral part of the peace negotiations was the marriage contract between Louis and Maria Theresa, which he used to justify the 1666 to 1667 War of Devolution, and formed the basis of French claims over the next 50 years. The marriage was more significant than intended, since it was agreed shortly after Philip's second wife, Mariana of Austria, gave birth to a second son, both of whom died young.[52] Philip died in 1665, leaving his four-year-old son Charles as king, once described as "always on the verge of death, but repeatedly baffling Christendom by continuing to live."[53]
Traditional scholarship viewed the war as a French victory that marked the start of France's rise, replacing Spain as the predominant European power.[7] More recent assessments argue this relies on hindsight, and that while France made crucial strategic gains around its borders, the outcome was far more balanced. One view is that the two parties effectively settled for a draw,[54] and that had France not moderated its demands in 1659, Spain would have continued fighting.[55]
"The (1659 treaty) was a peace of equals. Spanish losses were not great, and France returned some territory and strongholds. With hindsight, historians have regarded the treaty as a symbol of the 'decline of Spain' and the 'ascendancy of France'; at that time, however, (it) appeared a far from decisive verdict on the international hierarchy".[7]
"Spain maintained her supremacy in Europe until 1659, and was the greatest imperial power for years after that. Although (its) economic and military power suffered an abrupt decline in the half century after (1659), (it) was a major participant in the European coalitions against Louis XIV, and the peace congresses at Nijmegen in 1678, and Ryswick in 1697".[6]
David Parrott, Professor of Early Modern History at New College, Oxford claims the Peaces of Westphalia and the Pyrenees both reflected mutual exhaustion and stalemate, not a "military diktat imposed by victorious powers".[56] Elsewhere, he labels the Franco-Spanish War as "25 years of indecisive, over-ambitious and, on occasions, truly disastrous conflict".[57]
Taking on the Spanish Empire, then the strongest military power in Europe, required French forces of unprecedented size and an associated expansion of the taxation and supply base needed to support them. To meet these needs, official estimates for the army expanded from 39,000 in 1630 to around 150,000 shortly before the declaration of war in May 1635.[58] However, at this stage the French state was unable to support such large numbers; of the 27,000 men who took part in the invasion of the Spanish Netherlands in May of the same year, fewer than 15,000 remained a month later. Throughout the war, both sides struggled to support offensives outside their own boundaries; the Spanish invasion of northern France in 1636 collapsed due to lack of supplies and was not repeated.[15]
Including those supplied by Bernard of Saxe-Weimar and paid by France, between 1635 and 1642 official troop levels averaged 150,000 to 160,000, with a peak of 211,000 in 1639.[59] These are based on official muster rolls and should be treated with caution, since officers were paid for numbers reported, rather than those actually present; in addition, during this period on average another 10% was absent due to sickness, although most generally recovered.[60] Parrott estimates variances between "Reported" and "Actual" averaged up to 35% for the French and 50% for the Spanish.[61] Historian John A. Lynn suggests an average of 60% "Reported" versus "Actual" "provides the most reasonable guide", a figure based on André Corvisier's 1964 work L'armée française de la fin du XVIIe siècle au ministère de Choiseul.[62]
Throughout the war, logistics remained the major constraint on the number of troops, while strategy was often subordinated to the need to find adequate provisions, especially given the primitive infrastructure then available. It was not until the 1660s that Louvois created the support systems that allowed France to sustain an army of nearly 200,000 men for extended periods, and crucially ensure co-ordinated strategy between different fronts.[63] The more experienced Spanish were better equipped in this respect while their resources made it easier to replace losses of men and material. These advantages could be offset by engaging them on multiple fronts while attacking their lines of communication, a tactic the French used throughout the war by supporting the Catalan, Neapolitan and Portuguese rebels along with allies in Northern Italy and the Rhineland.[64] Loss of Dutch naval support after 1648 severely impacted their ability to challenge the Spanish at sea, until replaced with the English alliance in 1657.[65]
At its peak in 1632, the Spanish army contained around 300,000 regulars, exclusive of local militia and the empire increasingly relied on its Italian territories for recruits and money. Historian Davide Maffi calculates the Duchy of Milan provided an annual 6 million scudi for the war, as well as an average of 4,000 recruits per year. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany, a de facto Spanish protectorate was required to supply 17,000 scudi a month, as well as provide ships for the fleet and soldiers for the Army of Flanders. In 1631 to 1636 alone, Naples provided 3.5 million scudi, significant naval resources and 53,500 recruits for the Spanish army, more than Castile from a population half the size.[66]
In addition to supporting its own army and navy, from 1630 to 1643 Naples supplied an average of 10,000 soldiers a year to the Spanish army, provided an annual subsidy of one million ducats to support other areas of the Spanish Empire, and paid a third of Milan's government expenditures. As a result, its public debt quintupled and by 1648 interest payments constituted 57% of the kingdom's revenue. In both Naples and Sicily, taxes tripled between 1618 and 1688; Philip sought to mitigate the impact by providing tax exemption for the elderly and poor and increasing consumption taxes on the wealthy, but this and other measures had the indirect effect of crushing the southern Italian economy.[67]
Despite its power, the Spanish army was subject to constant supply shortages throughout the twenty five year conflict. By the end of it, both states were exhausted. When the commander of the Army of Extremadura requested 3,000 quintales (138 tons) of gunpowder for the 1659 campaign in Portugal, the central Junta of War for Spain revealed that total supplies for defense in the peninsula (including the navy, coastal garrisons, and militia in addition to the three major war fronts in Catalonia, Extremadura and Galicia) were only 1427 quintales (66 tons) due to so much powder having been spent in the fight against France. Shortages were particularly prominent among the militia and reserve forces. In 1632, 70% of the 44,000 men in Castile's militias were "unarmed" (as in, armed only with swords or similar weapons rather than firearms or pikes) due to a shortage of arquebuses. With the outbreak of war, this situation quickly improved so that by 1636 only 25% of militiamen in Castile were armed with hand weapons alone, with 25% carrying pikes and the remaining 50% arquebuses and muskets. By the end of the conflict, however, the situation had deteriorated once again, with more than 87 percent of the 465,000 militiamen listed in Castilian registers classed as "unarmed".[68]
In October 1647, discontent led to revolts in both Sicily and Naples; although quickly suppressed, it exposed the weakness of Spanish rule in Italy and the alienation of the local elites from Madrid.[69] In 1650, the governor of Milan wrote that as well as widespread dissatisfaction in the south, the only one of the Italian states that could be relied on was the Duchy of Parma.[70]
