Война в Персидском заливе представляла собой вооруженный конфликт между Ираком и коалицией из 42 стран во главе с Соединенными Штатами . Усилия коалиции против Ирака проводились в два ключевых этапа: операция «Щит пустыни» , которая ознаменовала наращивание военной мощи с августа 1990 года по январь 1991 года; и операция «Буря в пустыне» , которая началась с воздушных бомбардировок Ирака 17 января 1991 года и завершилась освобождением Кувейта под руководством США 28 февраля 1991 года.
2 августа 1990 года Ирак, управляемый президентом Саддамом Хусейном , вторгся в соседний Кувейт и полностью оккупировал страну в течение двух дней. Вторжение было вызвано в первую очередь спорами относительно предполагаемого наклонного бурения Кувейта на иракском нефтяном месторождении Румайла , а также с целью списания большого долга Ирака Кувейту в связи с недавно завершившейся ирано-иракской войной . После непродолжительной оккупации марионеточного правительства, известного как « Республика Кувейт », суверенная территория Кувейта была разделена на « район Саддамият аль-Митла » на севере, который был присоединен к существующей иракской провинции Басра , и « мухафазу Кувейт ». "на юге, который стал 19-й провинцией Ирака. Вторжение в Кувейт было немедленно встречено международным осуждением, в том числе резолюцией 660 Совета Безопасности ООН , которая требовала немедленного вывода Ирака из Кувейта, а также введением всеобъемлющих международных санкций против Ирака с принятием Резолюции 661 Совета Безопасности ООН . Британский премьер-министр Маргарет Тэтчер и американский президент Джордж Буш-старший направили войска и технику в Саудовскую Аравию и призвали другие страны направить свои собственные силы. Ряд стран присоединились к возглавляемой Америкой коалиции, образовав крупнейший военный альянс со времен Второй мировой войны . Основная часть военной мощи коалиции принадлежала Соединенным Штатам , при этом Саудовская Аравия , Великобритания и Египет были крупнейшими донорами (в указанном порядке). Кроме того, Саудовская Аравия и правительство Кувейта в изгнании выплатили около 32 миллиардов долларов США из 60 миллиардов долларов США на мобилизацию коалиции против Ирака.
Резолюция 678 Совета Безопасности ООН , принятая 29 ноября 1990 г., предлагала Ираку последний шанс до 15 января 1991 г. выполнить Резолюцию 660 и уйти из Кувейта; он также предоставил государствам право после истечения крайнего срока использовать «все необходимые средства», чтобы вытеснить Ирак из Кувейта. Первоначальные усилия по вытеснению иракцев из Кувейта начались с воздушных и морских бомбардировок Ирака 17 января, которые продолжались пять недель. Пока иракские военные боролись с атаками коалиции, Ирак запускал ракеты по Израилю , чтобы спровоцировать военный ответ Израиля, ожидая, что такой ответ приведет к выходу нескольких стран с мусульманским большинством из коалиции. Провокация не увенчалась успехом; Израиль не принял ответных мер, а Ирак продолжал оставаться в противоречии с большинством стран с мусульманским большинством. Ракетные обстрелы Ираком целей коалиции в Саудовской Аравии также оказались в основном безуспешными, и 24 февраля 1991 года коалиция начала крупное наземное наступление на оккупированный Ираком Кувейт. Наступление стало решающей победой коалиции, которая освободила Кувейт и быстро начала продвигаться мимо ирако-кувейтской границы на иракскую территорию. Через сто часов после начала наземной кампании коалиция прекратила наступление в Ирак и объявила о прекращении огня. Воздушные и наземные бои ограничивались Ираком, Кувейтом и районами, прилегающими к границе Ирака и Саудовской Аравии .
Конфликт ознаменовал начало прямых трансляций новостей с передовой линии сражения, в основном американской сетью CNN . Он также получил прозвище «Война видеоигр» после ежедневной трансляции изображений с камер на борту американских военных самолетов во время операции «Буря в пустыне». Война в Персидском заливе также получила известность благодаря некоторым из крупнейших танковых сражений в американской военной истории : битве при Медине-Ридж , битве при Норфолке и битве при 73-м Истинге .
Война также известна под другими названиями, такими как Вторая война в Персидском заливе , Война в Персидском заливе , Война в Кувейте , Первая война в Ираке или Война в Ираке . вместо этого отождествляется с войной в Ираке 2003 года (также называемой в США « Операцией по свободе Ирака »). [30] Иракские официальные лица назвали эту войну Умм аль-Маарик («матерью всех сражений»). [31] После вторжения США в Ирак в 2003 году Войну в Персидском заливе 1990-1991 годов часто называют « Первой войной в Ираке ». [32]
Для описания самого конфликта использовались следующие названия: Война в Персидском заливе и Война в Персидском заливе — наиболее распространенные термины для обозначения конфликта, используемые в западных странах , хотя его также можно назвать Первой войной в Персидском заливе (чтобы отличить его от вторжения в 2003 г. Ирак и последующая война в Ираке). Некоторые авторы назвали ее Второй войной в Персидском заливе , чтобы отличить ее от ирано-иракской войны . [33] Освобождение Кувейта ( араб . تحرير الكويت ) ( taḥrīr al-kuwayt ) — термин, используемый Кувейтом и большинством арабских государств коалиции, включая Саудовскую Аравию, Бахрейн, Египет и Объединенные Арабские Эмираты . Термины на других языках включают французский : la Guerre du Golfe и Guerre du Koweït ( Война в Кувейте ); Немецкий : Golfkrieg ( Война в Персидском заливе ) и Zweiter Golfkrieg ( Вторая война в Персидском заливе ). [ нужна цитата ]
Большинство государств коалиции использовали разные названия для своих операций и этапов войны. Иногда их неправильно используют в качестве общего названия конфликта, особенно « Бури в пустыне» в США :
США разделили конфликт на три основные кампании:
На протяжении всей Холодной войны Ирак был союзником Советского Союза , и между Ираком и Соединенными Штатами существовала история трений. [36] США были обеспокоены позицией Ирака по израильско- палестинской политике. США также не нравилась поддержка Ираком палестинских группировок боевиков , что привело к включению Ирака в развивающийся американский список государственных спонсоров терроризма в декабре 1979 года. [37]
США оставались официально нейтральными после вторжения Ирака в Иран в 1980 году, которое вылилось в ирано-иракскую войну, хотя они предоставили Ираку ресурсы, политическую поддержку и некоторые «невоенные» самолеты. [38] В марте 1982 года Иран начал успешное контрнаступление ( Операция «Неоспоримая победа »), и США увеличили свою поддержку Ирака, чтобы не дать Ирану принудить его к капитуляции. В попытке США установить полноценные дипломатические отношения с Ираком страна была исключена из американского списка государств-спонсоров терроризма. [39] Якобы это произошло из-за улучшения репутации режима, хотя бывший помощник министра обороны США Ноэль Кох позже заявил: «Никто не сомневался в продолжении участия [иракцев] в терроризме ... Настоящая причина заключалась в том, чтобы помогите им добиться успеха в войне против Ирана». [40] [41]
Благодаря новому успеху Ирака в войне и отказу Ирана от мирного предложения в июле продажи оружия Ираку достигли рекордного всплеска в 1982 году. Когда в ноябре 1983 года президент Ирака Саддам Хусейн выслал Абу Нидаля в Сирию по просьбе США, Рейган Администрация направила Дональда Рамсфельда на встречу с Саддамом в качестве специального посланника и для развития связей. К моменту подписания соглашения о прекращении огня с Ираном в августе 1988 года Ирак был сильно обременен долгами, а напряженность в обществе росла. [42] Большая часть долга принадлежала Саудовской Аравии и Кувейту. [43] Долги Ирака Кувейту составили 14 миллиардов долларов. [44] Ирак оказал давление на обе страны, чтобы те простили долги, но они отказались. [43] [45]
Пограничный спор между Ираком и Кувейтом связан с претензиями Ирака на территорию Кувейта. [38] Кувейт был частью провинции Басра Османской империи , что, по утверждению Ирака, делало Кувейт законной иракской территорией. [46] Правящая династия Кувейта, семья Ас-Сабах , заключила в 1899 году соглашение о протекторате , согласно которому ответственность за внешнюю политику Кувейта возлагалась на Великобританию. Великобритания провела границу между Кувейтом и Ираком в 1922 году, в результате чего Ирак практически не имел выхода к морю. [38] Кувейт отверг попытки Ирака обеспечить дальнейшие положения в регионе. [46]
Ирак также обвинил Кувейт в превышении квот ОПЕК на добычу нефти. [47] Для того, чтобы картель поддерживал желаемую цену в 18 долларов за баррель, требовалась дисциплина. Объединенные Арабские Эмираты и Кувейт постоянно производили перепроизводство; последний, по крайней мере частично, чтобы возместить потери, вызванные иранскими атаками во время ирано-иракской войны, и компенсировать потери в результате экономического скандала. Результатом стал спад цен на нефть – всего лишь 10 долларов за баррель (63 доллара за кубометр ) – что привело к потерям Ирака в 7 миллиардов долларов в год, что равно дефициту его платежного баланса в 1989 году . [48] Полученные доходы с трудом покрывали основные расходы правительства, не говоря уже о ремонте поврежденной инфраструктуры Ирака. И Иордания , и Ирак стремились к большей дисциплине, но без особого успеха. [49] Правительство Ирака охарактеризовало это как форму экономической войны, [49] которая, по его утверждению, была усугублена наклонным бурением Кувейта через границу на иракское нефтяное месторождение Румайла . [50] По словам местных нефтяников, заявление Ирака о наклонном бурении было сфабриковано, поскольку «нефть легко вытекает из месторождения Румайла без какой-либо необходимости в этих методах». [51] В то же время Саддам стремился к более тесным связям с теми арабскими государствами, которые поддерживали Ирак в войне. Этот шаг был поддержан США, которые считали, что связи Ирака с прозападными государствами Персидского залива помогут ввести и сохранить Ирак в сфере влияния США. [52]
В 1989 году казалось, что саудовско-иракские отношения , крепкие во время войны, сохранятся. Между странами был подписан пакт о невмешательстве и ненападении, за которым последовала кувейтско-иракская сделка по снабжению Ирака Кувейтом водой для питья и орошения, хотя просьба Кувейта об аренде Ираком Умм-Касра была отклонена. [52] Проектам развития, поддерживаемым Саудовской Аравией, препятствовали большие долги Ирака, даже несмотря на демобилизацию 200 000 солдат. Ирак также стремился увеличить производство оружия, чтобы стать экспортером, хотя успех этих проектов также сдерживался обязательствами Ирака; в Ираке возросло недовольство контролем ОПЕК. [53]
Отношения Ирака со своими арабскими соседями, особенно с Египтом, ухудшились из-за растущего насилия в Ираке против групп экспатриантов, которые хорошо работали во время войны, со стороны безработных иракцев, в том числе демобилизованных солдат. Эти события не привлекли особого внимания за пределами арабского мира из-за быстро развивающихся событий, непосредственно связанных с падением коммунизма в Восточной Европе. Однако США начали осуждать ситуацию с правами человека в Ираке, включая широко известное применение пыток. [54] Великобритания также осудила казнь Фарзада Базофта , журналиста британской газеты The Observer . [38] После заявления Саддама о том, что «бинарное химическое оружие» будет использовано против Израиля, если он применит военную силу против Ирака, Вашингтон приостановил часть его финансирования. [55] США наложили вето на миссию ООН на оккупированные Израилем территории , где беспорядки привели к гибели палестинцев, что заставило Ирак глубоко скептически относиться к целям внешней политики США в регионе в сочетании с зависимостью США от Ближнего Востока. энергетические запасы. [56]
В начале июля 1990 года Ирак пожаловался на поведение Кувейта, например, на несоблюдение его квоты, и открыто пригрозил начать военные действия. 23 числа ЦРУ сообщило, что Ирак перебросил 30 000 военнослужащих к ирако-кувейтской границе, а военно-морской флот США в Персидском заливе приведен в боевую готовность. Саддам считал, что развивается антииракский заговор: Кувейт начал переговоры с Ираном, а соперник Ирака Сирия организовала визит в Египет. [57] 15 июля 1990 года правительство Саддама изложило свои общие возражения против Лиги арабских государств , в том числе, что политические шаги обходятся Ираку в 1 миллиард долларов в год, что Кувейт все еще использует нефтяное месторождение Румайла и что кредиты, предоставленные ОАЭ и Кувейт нельзя было считать долгом перед своими «арабскими братьями». [57] Он пригрозил применением силы против Кувейта и ОАЭ, заявив: «Политика некоторых арабских правителей является американской… Они вдохновлены Америкой, чтобы подорвать арабские интересы и безопасность». [58] В ответ на эти угрозы США направили самолеты -дозаправщики и боевые корабли в Персидский залив. [59] Дискуссии в Джидде (Саудовская Аравия) при посредничестве Лиги арабских государств президента Египта Хосни Мубарака состоялись 31 июля и заставили Мубарака поверить в возможность установления мирного курса. [60]
Во время допроса Саддама Хусейна в 2003–2004 годах после его поимки выяснилось, что, помимо экономических споров, произошла оскорбительная беседа между кувейтским эмиром Аль-Сабахом и министром иностранных дел Ирака, в ходе которой Саддам утверждал, что эмир заявил о своем намерении обратить «все иракские женщину в «проститутку за 10 долларов», обанкротив страну, – стало решающим фактором в инициировании иракского вторжения. [61]
25-го числа Саддам встретился в Багдаде с послом США в Ираке Эйприл Глэспи . Иракский лидер раскритиковал американскую политику в отношении Кувейта и ОАЭ:
Так что же может означать, когда Америка заявляет, что теперь будет защищать своих друзей? Это может означать только предубеждение против Ирака. Эта позиция, а также сделанные маневры и заявления побудили ОАЭ и Кувейт игнорировать права Ирака ... Если вы примените давление, мы применим давление и силу. Мы знаем, что вы можете нам навредить, хотя мы вам не угрожаем. Но мы тоже можем вам навредить. Каждый может причинить вред в зависимости от своих способностей и размера. Мы не можем дойти до вас в США, но отдельные арабы могут до вас добраться… Мы не относим Америку к врагам. Мы размещаем его там, где хотим, чтобы наши друзья были, и стараемся дружить. Но неоднократные американские заявления в прошлом году показали, что Америка не считает нас друзьями. [62]
Глэспи ответила:
Я знаю, что тебе нужны средства. Мы это понимаем и считаем, что у вас должна быть возможность восстановить свою страну. Но у нас нет мнения по поводу арабо-арабских конфликтов, как и ваши пограничные разногласия с Кувейтом... Честно говоря, мы видим только то, что вы разместили на юге массовые войска. Обычно это не наше дело. Но когда это происходит в контексте того, что вы сказали в свой национальный день, тогда, когда мы читаем подробности в двух письмах министра иностранных дел, тогда, когда мы видим иракскую точку зрения, что меры, принятые ОАЭ и Кувейтом, являются В конечном счете, параллельно с военной агрессией против Ирака, тогда мне было бы разумно беспокоиться. [62]
Саддам заявил, что он предпримет последнюю попытку переговоров с кувейтцами, но Ирак «не примет смерть». [62]
По словам самой Глэспи, относительно точной границы между Кувейтом и Ираком она заявила: «... что она служила в Кувейте 20 лет назад; «тогда, как и сейчас, мы не занимали никакой позиции по этим арабским делам». [ нужна цитата ] Глэспи также считала, что война не является неизбежной. [60]
26 июля 1990 года, всего за несколько дней до иракского вторжения, представители ОПЕК заявили, что Кувейт и Объединенные Арабские Эмираты согласились с предложением ограничить добычу нефти до 1,5 миллиона баррелей (240 000 м 3 ) в день, «по сравнению с каждый из них перекачивал почти по 2 миллиона баррелей в день», что потенциально урегулирует разногласия по поводу нефтяной политики между Кувейтом и Ираком. [63]
Результатом переговоров в Джидде стало требование Ирака о выплате 10 миллиардов долларов [64] для покрытия потерянных доходов от Румайлы; Кувейт предложил 500 миллионов долларов. [64] Ответом Ирака был немедленный приказ о вторжении, [65] которое началось 2 августа 1990 года [66] с бомбардировки столицы Кувейта, Эль-Кувейта .
Считалось , что до вторжения кувейтские вооруженные силы насчитывали 16 000 человек, разделенных на три бронетанковые, одну мотопехотную и одну недостаточно укомплектованную артиллерийскую бригаду. [67] Довоенная численность ВВС Кувейта составляла около 2200 кувейтских военнослужащих, включая 80 самолетов и 40 вертолетов. [67] Несмотря на бряцание оружием со стороны Ирака , Кувейт не мобилизовал свои силы; армия была остановлена 19 июля, [68] и во время иракского вторжения многие кувейтские военнослужащие находились в отпусках. [ нужна цитата ]
К 1988 году, в конце ирано-иракской войны, иракская армия была четвертой по величине армией в мире, состоящей из 955 000 постоянных солдат и 650 000 военизированных формирований Народной армии. По словам Джона Чайлдса и Андре Корвизье, по самым низким оценкам иракская армия способна выставить на вооружение 4500 танков, 484 боевых самолета и 232 боевых вертолета. [69] По словам Майкла Найтса, по высоким оценкам, иракская армия способна выставить один миллион военнослужащих и 850 000 резервистов, 5500 танков, 3000 артиллерийских орудий, 700 боевых самолетов и вертолетов; он имел 53 дивизии, 20 бригад специального назначения и несколько региональных ополчений, а также имел сильную противовоздушную оборону. [4]
Иракские коммандос первыми проникли на границу Кувейта, чтобы подготовиться к атаке основных подразделений, которые начали атаку в полночь. Атака Ирака имела два направления: основная атакующая группа двигалась на юг прямо в сторону Кувейта по главному шоссе, а вспомогательная атакующая группа входила в Кувейт дальше на запад, но затем поворачивала и двигалась на восток, отрезая Кувейт от южной половины страны. Командир кувейтского бронетанкового батальона 35-й бронетанковой бригады развернул их против атаки Ирака и провел надежную оборону в битве на мостах возле Аль-Джахры , к западу от города Кувейт. [70]
Кувейтские самолеты поднялись в воздух , чтобы встретить силы вторжения, но около 20% были потеряны или захвачены. Было совершено несколько боевых вылетов против сухопутных войск Ирака. [71]
Основной удар иракцев по Эль-Кувейту был нанесен коммандос , развернутыми на вертолетах и катерах для атаки города с моря, в то время как другие подразделения захватили аэропорты и две авиабазы . Иракцы атаковали дворец Дасман , королевскую резиденцию эмира Кувейта Джабер аль-Ахмад аль-Джабер аль-Сабах , который защищала эмирская гвардия при поддержке танков М-84 . При этом иракцы убили Фахада аль-Ахмеда аль-Джабера ас-Сабаха , младшего брата эмира. [ нужна цитата ]
В течение 12 часов большая часть сопротивления внутри Кувейта прекратилась, и королевская семья бежала, что позволило Ираку контролировать большую часть Кувейта. [65] После двух дней интенсивных боев большая часть кувейтских военных была либо захвачена иракской республиканской гвардией , либо бежала в Саудовскую Аравию. Эмир и ключевые министры бежали на юг по шоссе в поисках убежища в Саудовской Аравии. Иракские сухопутные войска укрепили контроль над Эль-Кувейтом, затем направились на юг и передислоцировались вдоль границы с Саудовской Аравией. После решающей победы Ирака Саддам сначала установил марионеточный режим, известный как « Временное правительство Свободного Кувейта », а затем 8 августа назначил своего двоюродного брата Али Хасана аль-Маджида губернатором Кувейта. [ нужна цитата ]
После вторжения иракские военные украли банкноты на сумму более 1 миллиарда долларов из Центрального банка Кувейта. [72] В то же время Саддам Хусейн приравнял кувейтский динар к иракскому динару, тем самым снизив кувейтскую валюту до одной двенадцатой ее первоначальной стоимости. В ответ шейх Джабер аль-Ахмад ас-Сабах признал банкноты недействительными и отказался возмещать украденные банкноты, которые стали бесполезными из-за эмбарго ООН. После окончания конфликта многие из украденных банкнот вернулись в обращение. Сегодня украденные банкноты являются предметом коллекционирования для нумизматов . [73]
Кувейтцы основали местное движение вооруженного сопротивления после иракской оккупации Кувейта. [74] [75] [76] Количество потерь кувейтского сопротивления намного превышало потери коалиционных вооруженных сил и западных заложников. [77] Сопротивление в основном состояло из простых граждан, которым не хватало какой-либо формы обучения и надзора. [77]
Ключевой элемент политического, военного и энергетического экономического планирования США произошел в начале 1984 года. К тому времени ирано-иракская война продолжалась уже пять лет, и обе стороны понесли значительные потери, исчисляемые сотнями тысяч. В Совете национальной безопасности президента Рональда Рейгана росло беспокойство по поводу того, что война может выйти за пределы границ двух воюющих сторон. Было создано заседание Группы планирования национальной безопасности под председательством тогдашнего вице-президента Джорджа Буша-старшего для рассмотрения вариантов действий США. Было установлено, что конфликт, скорее всего, распространится на Саудовскую Аравию и другие государства Персидского залива, но у Соединенных Штатов мало возможностей защитить регион. Более того, было установлено, что затяжная война в регионе приведет к значительному росту цен на нефть и поставит под угрозу хрупкое восстановление мировой экономики, которая только начинала набирать обороты. 22 мая 1984 года президент Рейган был проинформирован о выводах проекта в Овальном кабинете Уильямом Флинном Мартином , который был руководителем аппарата СНБ, организовавшего исследование. (Полную рассекреченную презентацию можно увидеть здесь: [78] ) Выводы были тройными: во-первых, запасы нефти необходимо было увеличить среди членов Международного энергетического агентства и, при необходимости, высвободить досрочно, если рынок нефти будет нарушен; во-вторых, Соединенным Штатам необходимо усилить безопасность дружественных арабских государств в регионе; и в-третьих, следует ввести эмбарго на продажу военной техники Ирану и Ираку. План был одобрен президентом Рейганом, а затем подтвержден лидерами «Большой семерки» во главе с премьер-министром Великобритании Маргарет Тэтчер на Лондонском саммите 1984 года . План был реализован и стал основой готовности США ответить на иракскую оккупацию Кувейта в 1991 году .
Через несколько часов после вторжения делегации Кувейта и США потребовали созвать заседание Совета Безопасности ООН , который принял резолюцию 660 , осуждающую вторжение и требующую вывода иракских войск. [79] [80] [ необходимы разъяснения ] [81] 3 августа 1990 года Лига арабских государств приняла собственную резолюцию, которая призывала к решению конфликта внутри лиги и предостерегала от вмешательства извне. Ирак и Ливия были единственными двумя государствами Лиги арабских государств, которые выступили против резолюции о выводе Ирака из Кувейта; Организация освобождения Палестины (ООП) [c] также выступила против этого. [82] Арабские государства Йемен и Иордания – западный союзник, который граничил с Ираком и полагался на эту страну в плане экономической поддержки [83] – выступили против военной интервенции со стороны неарабских государств. [84] Кроме того, Судан, также являющийся членом Лиги арабских государств, присоединился к Саддаму. [83]
6 августа Резолюция 661 ввела экономические санкции в отношении Ирака. [85] [79] [86] Вскоре последовала резолюция 665 [81] , которая санкционировала военно-морскую блокаду для обеспечения соблюдения санкций. В нем говорится, что «применение мер, соразмерных конкретным обстоятельствам, которые могут быть необходимы... для остановки всех входящих и исходящих морских перевозок с целью досмотра и проверки их грузов и пунктов назначения, а также для обеспечения строгого выполнения резолюции 661». [87] [88]
Администрация США поначалу проявляла нерешительность с «подтекстом... смирения с вторжением и даже адаптации к нему как к свершившемуся факту», пока премьер-министр Великобритании Маргарет Тэтчер [89] не сыграла мощную роль, напомнив президенту, что политика умиротворения в 1930-х годах привело к войне, что Саддам будет держать в своей власти весь Персидский залив вместе с 65 процентами мировых запасов нефти, и, как известно, призывал президента Буша «не шататься». [89]
После того, как их убедили, официальные лица США настояли на полном выводе иракских войск из Кувейта, без какой-либо связи с другими ближневосточными проблемами, принимая британскую точку зрения о том, что любые уступки усилят иракское влияние в регионе на долгие годы вперед. [90]
12 августа 1990 года Саддам «предложил [d], чтобы все случаи оккупации в регионе, а также те случаи, которые изображались как оккупация, были решены одновременно». В частности, он призвал Израиль уйти с оккупированных территорий в Палестине, Сирии и Ливане, Сирии уйти из Ливана, а также «взаимный уход Ирака и Ирана и урегулирование ситуации в Кувейте». Он также призвал к замене американских войск, мобилизованных в Саудовской Аравии в ответ на вторжение Кувейта, «арабскими силами», при условии, что эти силы не затрагивают Египет. Кроме того, он потребовал «немедленного замораживания всех решений о бойкоте и осаде» и общей нормализации отношений с Ираком. [91] С самого начала кризиса президент Буш решительно выступал против любой «связи» между иракской оккупацией Кувейта и палестинским вопросом. [92]
23 августа Саддам появился на государственном телевидении с западными заложниками, которым он отказал в выездных визах. В видео он спрашивает молодого британского мальчика Стюарта Локвуда, получает ли он молоко, и далее говорит через своего переводчика: «Мы надеемся, что ваше присутствие здесь в качестве гостя не продлится слишком долго. Ваше присутствие здесь, и в других местах призван предотвратить бедствие войны». [93]
Другое предложение Ирака, о котором было сообщено в августе 1990 года, было передано советнику по национальной безопасности США Бренту Скоукрофту неустановленным иракским чиновником. Чиновник сообщил Белому дому, что Ирак «уйдет из Кувейта и позволит иностранцам уйти» при условии, что ООН снимет санкции, разрешит «гарантированный доступ к Персидскому заливу через кувейтские острова Бубиян и Варба» и разрешит Ираку « получить полный контроль над нефтяным месторождением Румайла, которое немного простирается на территорию Кувейта». Предложение также «включает [d] предложения о заключении нефтяного соглашения с Соединенными Штатами, «удовлетворяющем интересы национальной безопасности обеих стран», разработке совместного плана «облегчения экономических и финансовых проблем Ирака» и «совместной работе над стабильностью Ирака». залив».» [94]
29 ноября 1990 года Совет Безопасности принял резолюцию 678 , которая давала Ираку срок до 15 января 1991 года для вывода войск из Кувейта и наделяла государства полномочиями использовать «все необходимые средства», чтобы вынудить Ирак покинуть Кувейт после истечения установленного срока. [ нужна цитата ]
В декабре 1990 года Ирак сделал предложение уйти из Кувейта при условии, что иностранные войска покинут регион и будет достигнуто соглашение относительно палестинской проблемы и демонтажа как израильского, так и иракского оружия массового уничтожения . Белый дом отверг это предложение. [95] Ясир Арафат из ООП заявил, что ни он, ни Саддам не настаивали на том, что решение израильско-палестинских проблем должно быть предварительным условием для решения проблем в Кувейте, хотя он признал «сильную связь» между этими проблемами. [96]
В конечном итоге США и Великобритания придерживались своей позиции, согласно которой переговоров не будет до тех пор, пока Ирак не уйдет из Кувейта, и что они не должны предоставлять Ираку уступки, чтобы не создать впечатление, что Ирак получил выгоду от своей военной кампании. [90] Кроме того, когда госсекретарь США Джеймс Бейкер встретился с Тариком Азизом в Женеве, Швейцария, для мирных переговоров в последнюю минуту в начале 1991 года, Азиз, как сообщается, не сделал никаких конкретных предложений и не обрисовал никаких гипотетических шагов Ирака. [97]
14 января 1991 года Франция предложила Совету Безопасности ООН призвать к «быстрому и массированному выводу войск» из Кувейта, а также сделать заявление Ираку о том, что члены Совета внесут свой «активный вклад» в решение других проблем региона, «в в частности, арабо-израильского конфликта и, в частности, палестинской проблемы, созвав в подходящий момент международную конференцию, чтобы обеспечить «безопасность, стабильность и развитие этого региона мира». Предложение Франции поддержали Бельгия (на данный момент один из ротирующихся членов Совета), Германия, Испания, Италия, Алжир, Марокко, Тунис и ряд неприсоединившихся государств. США, Великобритания и Советский Союз отвергли его; Посол США в ООН Томас Пикеринг заявил, что предложение Франции неприемлемо, поскольку оно выходит за рамки предыдущих резолюций Совета Безопасности ООН по иракскому вторжению. [98] [99] [100] Франция отказалась от этого предложения, когда не обнаружила «никаких ощутимых признаков интереса» со стороны Багдада. [101]
Одной из главных проблем западного мира была значительная угроза, которую Ирак представлял для Саудовской Аравии. После завоевания Кувейта иракская армия оказалась в пределах легкой досягаемости от нефтяных месторождений Саудовской Аравии . Контроль над этими месторождениями, а также над кувейтскими и иракскими запасами дал бы Саддаму контроль над большей частью мировых запасов нефти. У Ирака также был ряд претензий к Саудовской Аравии. Саудовцы одолжили Ираку около 26 миллиардов долларов во время войны с Ираном. Саудиты поддержали Ирак в этой войне, так как опасались влияния шиитской исламской революции Ирана на его собственное шиитское меньшинство. После войны Саддам почувствовал, что ему не придется выплачивать кредиты из-за помощи, которую он оказал саудовцам в борьбе с Ираном. [ нужна цитата ]
Вскоре после завоевания Кувейта Саддам начал словесные нападки на саудовцев. Он утверждал, что поддерживаемое США саудовское государство является незаконным и недостойным хранителем священных городов Мекка и Медина . Он объединил язык исламистских группировок , которые недавно воевали в Афганистане, с риторикой, которую Иран долгое время использовал для нападения на саудовцев. [102]
Действуя в соответствии с политикой доктрины Картера и опасаясь, что иракская армия может начать вторжение в Саудовскую Аравию, президент США Джордж Буш-старший быстро объявил, что США начнут «полностью оборонительную» миссию, чтобы предотвратить вторжение Ирака в Саудовскую Аравию, в соответствии с кодовое название «Операция Щит пустыни». Операция началась 7 августа 1990 года, когда американские войска были отправлены в Саудовскую Аравию, в том числе по просьбе ее монарха короля Фахда , который ранее призывал США к военной помощи. [64] От этой «полностью оборонительной» доктрины быстро отказались, когда 8 августа Ирак объявил Кувейт 19-й провинцией Ирака, а Саддам назначил своего двоюродного брата Али Хасана Аль-Маджида своим военным губернатором. [103]
ВМС США направили две боевые группы военно-морских сил, построенные на базе авианосцев « Дуайт Д. Эйзенхауэр» и « Индепенденс » , в Персидский залив, где они были готовы к 8 августа. США также направили в регион линкоры USS Missouri и USS Wisconsin . В общей сложности 48 F-15 ВВС США из 1-го истребительного авиаполка на базе ВВС Лэнгли , штат Вирджиния, приземлились в Саудовской Аравии и немедленно начали круглосуточное воздушное патрулирование границы Саудовской Аравии, Кувейта и Ирака, чтобы препятствовать дальнейшим действиям иракских военных. достижения. К ним присоединились 36 F-15 A-D из 36-го тактического истребительного авиаполка в Битбурге, Германия . Контингент Битбурга базировался на авиабазе Аль-Хардж , примерно в часе езды к юго-востоку от Эр-Рияда. 36-й TFW будет нести ответственность за 11 подтвержденных самолетов ВВС Ирака, сбитых во время войны. Два подразделения Национальной гвардии были дислоцированы на авиабазе Аль-Хардж, 169-й истребительный авиаполк Национальной гвардии Южной Каролины совершил бомбардировочные вылеты с участием 24 F-16, выполняющих 2000 боевых вылетов и сбросивших четыре миллиона фунтов (1 800 000 килограммов; 1800 метрических тонн) боеприпасы, а 174-й истребительный авиаполк Национальной гвардии Нью-Йорка из Сиракуз использовал 24 F-16 для бомбардировок. Наращивание военной мощи продолжалось и в конечном итоге достигло 543 000 военнослужащих, что вдвое больше, чем во время вторжения в Ирак в 2003 году. Большая часть материалов была доставлена по воздуху или доставлена в районы сосредоточения на быстроходных морских судах , что позволило быстро накопить их. В рамках наращивания сил в Персидском заливе были проведены десантные учения, в том числе операция «Неизбежный гром», в которой участвовали военный корабль США « Мидуэй» и 15 других кораблей, 1100 самолетов и тысяча морских пехотинцев. [104] На пресс-конференции генерал Шварцкопф заявил, что эти учения были направлены на то, чтобы обмануть иракские силы и заставить их продолжать оборону побережья Кувейта. [105]
Был принят ряд резолюций Совета Безопасности ООН и Лиги арабских государств относительно вторжения Ирака в Кувейт. Резолюция 678, принятая 29 ноября 1990 года, давала Ираку срок вывода до 15 января 1991 года и санкционировала «все необходимые средства для соблюдения и выполнения резолюции 660», а также дипломатическую формулировку, разрешающую применение силы, если Ирак не подчинится. [106]
Чтобы обеспечить экономическую поддержку США, Джеймс Бейкер в сентябре 1990 года отправился в 11-дневное путешествие по девяти странам, которое пресса окрестила «Путешествием в жестяной чашке». Первой остановкой стала Саудовская Аравия, которая месяцем ранее уже предоставила Соединенным Штатам разрешение на использование своих мощностей. Однако Бейкер считал, что Саудовская Аравия должна взять на себя часть расходов по военным усилиям по ее защите. Когда Бейкер попросил у короля Фахда 15 миллиардов долларов, король с готовностью согласился, пообещав, что Бейкер запросит у Кувейта такую же сумму. [ нужна цитата ]
На следующий день, 7 сентября, он именно это и сделал, и эмир Кувейта , перемещенный в отель «Шератон» за пределами страны, в которую он вторгся, легко согласился. Затем Бейкер приступил к переговорам с Египтом, руководство которого он считал «умеренным голосом Ближнего Востока». Президент Египта Мубарак был в ярости на Саддама за его вторжение в Кувейт и за то, что Саддам заверил Мубарака, что вторжение не было его намерением. Египет получил около 7 миллиардов долларов в качестве списания долга за предоставление поддержки и войск для интервенции под руководством США. [107]
После остановок в Хельсинки и Москве, чтобы сгладить требования Ирака о проведении ближневосточной мирной конференции с Советским Союзом, Бейкер отправился в Сирию, чтобы обсудить ее роль в кризисе с ее президентом Хафезом Асадом . У Асада была глубокая личная неприязнь к Саддаму, которая определялась тем фактом, что «Саддам пытался убить его [Асада] в течение многих лет». Сохраняя эту враждебность и впечатленный дипломатической инициативой Бейкера посетить Дамаск (отношения были разорваны после бомбардировки казарм морской пехоты США в Бейруте в 1983 году ), Асад согласился выделить до 100 000 сирийских солдат для участия в коалиционных усилиях. Это был жизненно важный шаг в обеспечении представительства арабских государств в коалиции. В обмен Вашингтон дал Асаду зеленый свет на уничтожение сил, противостоящих сирийскому правлению в Ливане , и организовал поставку Сирии оружия на сумму в миллиард долларов, в основном через страны Персидского залива. [108] В обмен на поддержку Ираном интервенции под руководством США правительство США пообещало иранскому правительству прекратить сопротивление США кредитам Всемирного банка Ирану. За день до начала наземного вторжения Всемирный банк предоставил Ирану первый кредит в размере 250 миллионов долларов. [108]
Бейкер вылетел в Рим с кратким визитом к итальянцам, во время которого ему пообещали использовать некоторую военную технику, прежде чем отправиться в Германию, чтобы встретиться с американским союзником канцлером Колем . Хотя конституция Германии (которая, по сути, была создана при посредничестве США) запрещала военное вмешательство за пределами границ Германии, Коль выделил два миллиарда долларов на военные усилия коалиции, а также на дальнейшую экономическую и военную поддержку союзника по коалиции Турции и на транспортировку грузов. Египетские солдаты и корабли в Персидском заливе. [109]
Была сформирована коалиция сил, противостоящая агрессии Ирака, в состав которой вошли силы 42 стран: Аргентины, Австралии, Бахрейна, Бангладеш, Бельгии, Канады, Чехословакии, Дании, Египта, Франции, Германии, Греции, Гондураса, Венгрии, Италии, Японии, Кувейта. , Люксембург, Марокко, Нидерланды, Новая Зеландия, Нигер, Норвегия, Оман, Пакистан, Филиппины, Польша, Португалия, Катар, Румыния, Саудовская Аравия, Сенегал, Сьерра-Леоне, Сингапур, Южная Корея, Испания, Швеция, Сирия, Турция , [110] Объединенные Арабские Эмираты, Великобритания и США. [111] Это была крупнейшая коалиция со времен Второй мировой войны . [112] По сообщениям, ближе к концу войны к ним присоединилась и группа афганских моджахедов . [113]
Генерал армии США Норман Шварцкопф-младший был назначен командующим коалиционными силами в районе Персидского залива. Советский Союз осудил агрессию Багдада против Кувейта, но не поддержал интервенцию США и их союзников в Ирак и пытался ее предотвратить. [114]
Хотя они не предоставили никаких сил, Япония и Германия внесли финансовый вклад на общую сумму 10 миллиардов долларов и 6,6 миллиардов долларов соответственно. Люксембург также оказал финансовую поддержку коалиции. [115] Американские войска представляли 73% от 956 600 военнослужащих коалиции в Ираке. [116]
Многие из стран коалиции неохотно вводили военные силы. Некоторые считали, что война является внутренним делом арабов, или не хотели усиливать влияние США на Ближнем Востоке. В конце концов, однако, многие правительства были убеждены воинственностью Ирака по отношению к другим арабским государствам, предложениями экономической помощи или списания долгов, а также угрозами приостановить помощь. [117]
США и ООН привели несколько публичных оправданий участия в конфликте, наиболее известным из которых является нарушение Ираком территориальной целостности Кувейта. Кроме того, США предприняли шаги по поддержке своего союзника Саудовской Аравии, чье значение в регионе и как ключевого поставщика нефти придавало ей значительную геополитическую важность. Вскоре после иракского вторжения министр обороны США Дик Чейни совершил первый из нескольких визитов в Саудовскую Аравию, где король Фахд запросил у США военную помощь. Во время выступления на специальном совместном заседании Конгресса США 11 сентября 1990 года Буш резюмировал причины следующими замечаниями: «В течение трех дней 120 000 иракских солдат с 850 танками вторглись в Кувейт и двинулись на юг, чтобы угрожать Саудовской Аравии. .Именно тогда я решил действовать, чтобы остановить эту агрессию». [118]
Пентагон заявил, что источником этой информации были спутниковые фотографии, показывающие сосредоточение иракских сил вдоль границы, но позже они были признаны ложными. Репортер газеты « Санкт-Петербург Таймс» приобрел два коммерческих советских спутниковых снимка, сделанных в то время, на которых не была видна ничего, кроме пустой пустыни. [119]
Другие оправдания иностранного вмешательства включали историю нарушений прав человека в Ираке при Саддаме . Известно также, что Ирак обладал биологическим и химическим оружием , которое Саддам использовал против иранских войск во время ирано-иракской войны и против курдского населения своей страны в кампании Аль-Анфаль . Известно, что Ирак также имел программу создания ядерного оружия , но отчет о ней от января 1991 г. был частично рассекречен ЦРУ 26 мая 2001 г. [120]
Хотя иракские военные допустили нарушения прав человека во время вторжения, предполагаемые инциденты, получившие наибольшую огласку в США, были выдумками фирмы по связям с общественностью , нанятой правительством Кувейта, чтобы убедить американцев поддержать военную интервенцию. [121] Вскоре после вторжения Ирака в Кувейт в США была создана организация «Граждане за свободный Кувейт» . Он нанял фирму по связям с общественностью Hill & Knowlton примерно за 11 миллионов долларов, выплаченных правительством Кувейта . [122]
Помимо многих других средств влияния на общественное мнение США, таких как распространение книг о зверствах Ирака среди американских солдат, дислоцированных в регионе, футболок и колонок с надписью «Свободный Кувейт» в кампусах колледжей, а также десятков выпусков видеоновостей на телевизионных станциях, фирма организовала за выступление перед группой членов Конгресса США , в котором молодая женщина, назвавшаяся медсестрой, работающей в городской больнице Кувейта, описала, как иракские солдаты вытаскивали младенцев из инкубаторов и позволяли им умирать на полу. [123]
Эта история помогла склонить общественность и Конгресс к войне с Ираком: шесть конгрессменов заявили, что показаний было достаточно, чтобы поддержать военные действия против Ирака, а семь сенаторов сослались на эти показания в ходе дебатов. Сенат поддержал военные действия 52 голосами против 47. Однако через год после войны выяснилось, что это утверждение является выдумкой. Молодая женщина, давшая показания, оказалась членом королевской семьи Кувейта и дочерью посла Кувейта в США. [123] Она не жила в Кувейте во время иракского вторжения. [ нужна цитата ]
Подробности пиар-кампании Hill & Knowlton, включая показания инкубатора, были опубликованы в книге Джона Р. Макартура «Второй фронт: цензура и пропаганда в войне в Персидском заливе » [124] и привлекли широкое внимание общественности, когда в статье Макартура была опубликована в The New York Times . Это побудило Amnesty International провести повторное расследование , которое первоначально продвигало версию, в которой утверждалось, что из инкубаторов было вырвано даже большее количество младенцев, чем в первоначальных фальшивых показаниях. Не найдя никаких доказательств в поддержку этой версии, организация выступила с опровержением. Затем президент Буш повторил обвинения в отношении инкубатора по телевидению. [ нужна цитата ]
В действительности иракская армия действительно совершила различные хорошо задокументированные преступления во время оккупации Кувейта, например, казнь без суда и следствия трех братьев, после чего их тела были сложены в штабеля и оставлены разлагаться на общественной улице. [125] Иракские войска также обыскали и разграбили частные дома кувейтцев; в одном доме неоднократно испражнялись. [126] Житель позже прокомментировал: «Все это было насилием ради насилия, разрушением ради разрушения... Представьте себе сюрреалистическую картину Сальвадора Дали ». [127]
Президент США Буш неоднократно сравнивал Саддама Хусейна с Гитлером . [128]
Война в Персидском заливе началась с обширной кампании воздушных бомбардировок 16 января 1991 года. В течение 42 дней и ночей подряд коалиционные силы подвергали Ирак одной из самых интенсивных воздушных бомбардировок в военной истории. Коалиция совершила более 100 000 боевых вылетов , сбросив 88 500 тонн бомб [129] , что привело к значительному разрушению военной и гражданской инфраструктуры. [ нужна цитата ]
Iraqi anti-aircraft defenses, including man-portable air-defense systems, were surprisingly ineffective against enemy aircraft, and the coalition suffered only 75 aircraft losses in over 100,000 sorties, 44 due to Iraqi action. Two of these losses are the result of aircraft colliding with the ground while evading Iraqi ground-fired weapons.[130][131] One of these losses is a confirmed air-air victory.[132]
Iraq's government made no secret that it would attack Israel if invaded. Prior to the war's start, in the aftermath of the failed US–Iraq peace talks in Geneva, Switzerland, a reporter asked Iraq's English-speaking Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz: "Mr. Foreign Minister, if war starts ... will you attack Israel?" His response was: "Yes, absolutely, yes."[133][134]
Five hours after the first attacks, Iraq's state radio broadcast declared that "The dawn of victory nears as this great showdown begins." Iraq fired eight missiles the next day. These missile attacks were to continue throughout the war. Iraq fired 88 Scud missiles during the war's seven weeks.[135]
Iraq hoped to provoke a military response from Israel. The Iraqi government hoped that many Arab states would withdraw from the Coalition, as they would be reluctant to fight alongside Israel.[92] Following the first attacks, Israeli Air Force jets were deployed to patrol the northern airspace with Iraq. Israel prepared to militarily retaliate, as its policy for the previous 40 years had always been retaliation. However, President Bush pressured Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir not to retaliate and withdraw Israeli jets, fearing that if Israel attacked Iraq, the other Arab states would either desert the coalition or join Iraq. It was also feared that if Israel used Syrian or Jordanian airspace to attack Iraq, they would intervene in the war on Iraq's side or attack Israel. The coalition promised to deploy Patriot missiles to defend Israel if it refrained from responding to the Scud attacks.[136][137]
The Scud missiles targeting Israel were relatively ineffective, as firing at extreme range resulted in a dramatic reduction in accuracy and payload. Two Israeli civilians died as a direct result of the missile attacks.[138] Between 11 and 74 were killed from incorrect use of gas masks, heart attacks, and incorrect use of the anti-chemical weapons drug atropine.[138] Approximately 230 Israelis were injured.[139] Extensive property damage was also caused, and, according to the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Damage to general property consisted of 1,302 houses, 6,142 apartments, 23 public buildings, 200 shops and 50 cars."[140] It was feared that Iraq would fire missiles filled with nerve agents such as sarin. As a result, Israel's government issued gas masks to its citizens. When the first Iraqi missiles hit Israel, some people injected themselves with an antidote for nerve gas. It has been suggested that the sturdy construction techniques used in Israeli cities, coupled with the fact that Scuds were only launched at night, played an important role in limiting the number of casualties from Scud attacks.[141]
In response to the threat of Scuds on Israel, the US rapidly sent a Patriot missile air defense artillery battalion to Israel along with two batteries of MIM-104 Patriot missiles for the protection of civilians.[142] The Royal Netherlands Air Force also deployed a Patriot missile squadron to Israel and Turkey. The Dutch Defense Ministry later stated that the military use of the Patriot missile system was largely ineffective, but its psychological value for the affected populations was high.[143]
Coalition air forces were also extensively exercised in "Scud hunts" in the Iraqi desert, trying to locate the camouflaged trucks before they fired their missiles at Israel or Saudi Arabia. On the ground, special operations forces also infiltrated Iraq, tasked with locating and destroying Scuds – including the ill-fated Bravo Two Zero patrol of the SAS. Once special operations were combined with air patrols, the number of attacks fell sharply, then increased slightly as Iraqi forces adjusted to coalition tactics.[citation needed]
As the Scud attacks continued, the Israelis grew increasingly impatient, and considered taking unilateral military action against Iraq. On 22 January 1991, a Scud missile hit the Israeli city of Ramat Gan, after two coalition Patriots failed to intercept it. Three elderly people suffered fatal heart attacks, another 96 people were injured, and 20 apartment buildings were damaged.[144][145] After this attack, the Israelis warned that if the US failed to stop the attacks, they would. At one point, Israeli commandos boarded helicopters prepared to fly into Iraq, but the mission was called off after a phone call from US Defense Secretary Dick Cheney, reporting on the extent of coalition efforts to destroy Scuds and emphasizing that Israeli intervention could endanger US forces.[146]
In addition to the attacks on Israel, 47 Scud missiles were fired into Saudi Arabia, and one missile was fired at Bahrain and another at Qatar. The missiles were fired at both military and civilian targets. One Saudi civilian was killed, and 78 others were injured. No casualties were reported in Bahrain or Qatar. The Saudi government issued all its citizens and expatriates with gas masks in the event of Iraq using missiles with warheads containing chemical weapons.[147] The government broadcast alerts and 'all clear' messages over television to warn citizens during Scud attacks.[citation needed]
On 25 February 1991, a Scud missile hit a US Army barracks of the 14th Quartermaster Detachment, out of Greensburg, Pennsylvania, stationed in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, killing 28 soldiers and injuring over 100.[148] A subsequent investigation found that the assigned Patriot missile battery had failed to engage due to the loss of significance effect in the onboard computer's floating point calculations compounding over 100 hours of consecutive use, shifting the range gate position far enough to lose contact with the Scud during tracking action.[149]
On 29 January, Iraqi forces attacked and occupied the lightly defended Saudi city of Khafji with tanks and infantry. The Battle of Khafji ended two days later when the Iraqis were driven back by the Saudi Arabian National Guard, supported by Qatari forces and US Marines.[150] The allied forces used extensive artillery fire.[citation needed]
Both sides suffered casualties, although Iraqi forces sustained substantially more dead and captured than the allied forces. Eleven Americans were killed in two separate friendly fire incidents, an additional 14 US airmen were killed when their AC-130 gunship was shot down by an Iraqi surface-to-air missile,[151] and two US soldiers were captured during the battle. Saudi and Qatari forces had a total of 18 dead. Iraqi forces in Khafji had 60–300 dead and 400 captured.[citation needed]
The Battle of Khafji was an example of how air power could single-handedly hinder the advance of enemy ground forces. Upon learning of Iraqi troop movements, 140 coalition aircraft were diverted to attack an advancing column consisting of two armored divisions in battalion-sized units. Precision stand-off attacks were conducted during the night and through to the next day. Iraqi vehicle losses included 357 tanks, 147 armored personnel carriers, and 89 mobile artillery pieces. Some crews simply abandoned their vehicles upon realizing that they could be destroyed by guided bombs, stopping the divisions from massing for an organized attack on the town. One Iraqi soldier, who had fought in the Iran–Iraq War, remarked that his brigade "had sustained more punishment from allied airpower in 30 minutes at Khafji than in eight years of fighting against Iran."[152]
Task Force 1-41 Infantry was a US Army heavy battalion task force from the 2nd Armored Division (Forward). It was the spearhead of VII Corps, consisting primarily of the 1st Battalion, 41st Infantry Regiment, 3rd Battalion, 66th Armor Regiment, and the 4th Battalion, 3rd Field Artillery Regiment. Task Force 1–41 was the first coalition force to breach the Saudi Arabian border on 15 February 1991, and to conduct ground combat operations in Iraq engaging in direct and indirect fire fights with the enemy on 17 February 1991.[153] Shortly after arrival in theatre Task Force 1–41 Infantry received a counter-reconnaissance mission.[154] 1–41 Infantry was assisted by the 1st Squadron, 4th Armored Cavalry Regiment. This joint effort would become known as Task Force Iron.[155] Counter-reconnaissance generally includes destroying or repelling the enemy's reconnaissance elements and denying their commander any observation of friendly forces. On 15 February 1991 4th Battalion of the 3rd Field Artillery Regiment fired on a trailer and a few trucks in the Iraqi sector observing American forces.[156]
On 16 February 1991 several groups of Iraqi vehicles appeared to be performing reconnaissance on the Task Force and were driven away by fire from 4–3 FA.[157] Another enemy platoon, including six vehicles, was reported as being to the northeast of the Task Force. They were engaged with artillery fire from 4–3 FA.[158] Later that evening another group of Iraqi vehicles was spotted moving towards the center of the Task Force. They appeared to be Iraqi Soviet-made BTRs and tanks. For the next hour the Task Force fought several small battles with Iraqi reconnaissance units. TF 1–41 IN fired TOW missiles at the Iraqi formation destroying one tank. The rest of the formation was destroyed or driven away by artillery fire from 4–3 FA.[158] On 17 February 1991 the Task Force took enemy mortar fire, but the enemy forces managed to escape.[159] Later that evening the Task Force received enemy artillery fire but suffered no casualties.[160] That same evening the Task Force identified an Iraqi mortar position and engaged it with both direct and indirect fires.[161] The Iraqis continued probing operations against the Task Force for approximately two hours.[161] For the next two days the Task Force observed Iraqi wheeled vehicles and small units move in front of them. Several times Iraqi mortars fired on Task Force 1–41 Infantry positions.[161] On 18 February Iraqi mortar positions continued to conduct fire missions against the Task Force. The Task Force returned fire on the Iraqi positions with artillery fire from 4–3 FA and 1st Infantry Division Artillery.[162] During the Iraqi mortar attacks two American soldiers were wounded.[163] Iraqi reconnaissance elements continued to patrol the area between the Task Force and the 1st Cavalry Division.[162] VII Corps air units and artillery conducted combat operations against Iraqi defensive positions.[162]
Task Force 1–41 Infantry was the first coalition force to breach the Saudi Arabian border on 15 February 1991 and conduct ground combat operations in Iraq engaging in direct and indirect fire fights with the enemy on 17 February 1991.[153] Prior to this action the Task Force's primary fire support battalion, 4th Battalion of the 3rd Field Artillery Regiment, participated in a massive artillery preparation. Around 300 guns from multiple countries participated in the artillery barrage. Over 14,000 rounds were fired during these missions. M270 Multiple Launch Rocket Systems contributed an additional 4,900 rockets fired at Iraqi targets.[164] Iraq lost close to 22 artillery battalions during the initial stages of this barrage,[165] including the destruction of approximately 396 Iraqi artillery pieces.[165]
By the end of these raids Iraqi artillery assets had all but ceased to exist. One Iraqi unit that was totally destroyed during the preparation was the Iraqi 48th Infantry Division Artillery Group.[166] The group's commander stated his unit lost 83 of its 100 guns to the artillery preparation.[166] This artillery prep was supplemented by air attacks by B-52 bombers and Lockheed AC-130 fixed wing gunships.[167] 1st Infantry Division Apache helicopters and B-52 bombers conducted raids against Iraq's 110th Infantry Brigade.[168] The 1st Engineer Battalion and 9th Engineer Battalion marked and proofed assault lanes under direct and indirect enemy fire to secure a foothold in enemy territory and pass the 1st Infantry Division and the British 1st Armored Division forward.[153][169]
On 24 February 1991 the 1st Cavalry Division conducted a couple artillery missions against Iraqi artillery units.[170] One artillery mission struck a series of Iraqi bunkers, reinforced by Iraqi T-55 tanks, in the sector of the Iraqi 25th Infantry Division.[170] The same day the 2nd Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division with the 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry, 1st Battalion, 32nd Armor, and the 1st Battalion, 8th Cavalry destroyed Iraqi bunkers and combat vehicles in the sector of the Iraqi 25th Infantry Division.[170] On 24 February 2nd Brigade, 1st Infantry Division rolled through the breach in the Iraqi defense west of Wadi al-Batin and also cleared the northeastern sector of the breach site of enemy resistance.[153] Task Force 3–37th Armor breached the Iraqi defense clearing four passage lanes and expanding the gap under direct enemy fire.[153] Also on 24 February the 1st Infantry Division along with the 1st Cavalry Division destroyed Iraqi outposts and patrols belonging to the Iraqi 26th Infantry Division.[171] The two divisions also began capturing prisoners.[171] The 1st Infantry Division cleared a zone between Phase Line Vermont and Phase Line Kansas.[171] Once the 1st Infantry Division's 3rd Battalion, 37th Armor reached the Iraqi rear defensive positions it destroyed an Iraqi D-30 artillery battery and many trucks and bunkers.[172]
Task Force 1–41 Infantry was given the task of breaching Iraq's initial defensive positions along the Iraq–Saudi Arabia border.[153] The 1st Squadron, 4th Armored Cavalry Regiment handled similar responsibilities in its sector of operations.[153] The 1st Infantry Division's 5th Battalion, 16th Infantry also played a significant role clearing the trenches and captured 160 Iraqi soldiers in the process.[172] Once into Iraqi territory Task Force 1–41 Infantry encountered multiple Iraqi defensive positions and bunkers. These defensive positions were occupied by a brigade-sized element.[153] Task Force 1–41 Infantry elements dismounted and prepared to engage the enemy soldiers who occupied these well-prepared and heavily fortified bunkers.[153] The Task Force found itself engaged in six hours of combat in order to clear the extensive bunker complex.[153] The Iraqis engaged the Task Force with small arms fire, RPGs, mortar fire, and what was left of Iraqi artillery assets. A series of battles unfolded resulting in heavy Iraqi casualties and the Iraqis being removed from their defensive positions with many becoming prisoners of war. Some escaped to be killed or captured by other coalition forces.[173] In the process of clearing the bunkers, Task Force 1–41 captured two brigade command posts and the command post of the Iraqi 26th Infantry Division.[174] The Task Force also captured a brigade commander, several battalion commanders, company commanders, and staff officers.[174] As combat operations progressed Task Force 1–41 Infantry engaged at short range multiple dug in enemy tanks in ambush positions.[153] For a few hours, bypassed Iraqi RPG-equipped anti-tank teams, T-55 tanks, and dismounted Iraqi infantry fired at passing American vehicles, only to be destroyed by other US tanks and fighting vehicles following the initial forces.[175]
The 1st Infantry Division's Task Force 2–16 Infantry cleared four lanes simultaneously through an enemy fortified trench system while inflicting heavy casualties on Iraqi forces.[153] Task Force 2–16 continued the attack clearing over 21 km (13 mi) of entrenched enemy positions resulting in the capture and destruction of numerous enemy vehicles, equipment, personnel and command bunkers.[153]
A 90,000 round artillery preparation fire on Iraqi defensive positions preceded the major ground assault, lasting 2.5 hours.[176] 1st Infantry Division Artillery, which included 4-3 FA battalion, was decisive during artillery combat operations performing multiple raids and fire missions. These combat operations resulted in the destruction of 50 enemy tanks, 139 APCs, 30 air defense systems, 152 artillery pieces, 27 missile launchers, 108 mortars, and 548 wheeled vehicles, 61 trench lines and bunker positions, 92 dug in and open infantry targets, and 34 logistical sites.[177] The ground campaign consisted of three or possibly four of the largest tank battles in American military history.[178][179] The battles at 73 Easting, Norfolk, and Medina Ridge are well noted for their historical significance.[178] Some consider the Battle of Medina Ridge the largest tank battle of the war.[153][180] Other sources consider the Battle of Norfolk the largest tank battle of the war and the second largest tank battle in American history.[180] The U.S. Marine Corps also fought the biggest tank battle in its history at Kuwait International Airport.[179] The U.S. 3rd Armored Division also fought a significant battle at Objective Dorset not far from where the Battle of Norfolk was taking place. The U.S. 3rd Armored Division destroyed approximately 300 enemy combat vehicles during this particular encounter with Iraqi forces.[153]
The U.S. VII Corps was the primary combat formation of the coalition forces.[181] It was a formidable fighting force consisting of 1,487 tanks, 1,384 infantry fighting vehicles, 568 artillery pieces, 132 MLRS, 8 missile launchers, and 242 attack helicopters.[182] It had a total troop strength of 146,321 troops.[183] Its primary full strength fighting formations were the 1st Armored Division (United States), the 3rd Armored Division (United States) and the 1st Infantry Division (United States). The 2nd Armored Division (Forward) was assigned to the 1st Infantry Division as its third maneuver brigade.[184] Its Task Force 1-41 Infantry would be the spearhead of VII Corps.[185] In addition, the corps had the 2nd Cavalry Regiment (United States) to act as a scouting and screening force, and two further heavy divisions, the 1st Cavalry Division (United States) and the United Kingdom's 1st Armoured Division, as well as the U.S. 11th Aviation Group.[153][186][187] VII Corps fought a number of large battles against Iraqi forces. Some of them historical in scope and size. Three of the battles at Norfolk, Medina Ridge, and 73 Easting are considered among the largest tank battles in history.[188] By the end of combat operations on 28 February 1991, U.S. VII Corps had driven 260 kilometres (160 mi), captured 22,000 Iraqi soldiers, and destroyed 1,350 Iraqi tanks, 1,224 armored personnel carriers, 285 artillery pieces, 105 air defense systems, and 1,229 trucks.[189]
The primary combat vehicles of the American divisions were the M1A1 Abrams tank and the Bradley Fighting Vehicle.[190] The primary American artillery system was the self propelled M109 howitzer.[191] The primary American attack helicopter was the Boeing AH-64 Apache (Army) with the Bell AH-1 Cobra (Army and Marines) also being in theatre.[191] The U.S. Fairchild Republic A-10 Thunderbolt II ground attack aircraft would distinguish itself during the Gulf War aided by the OH-58D JAATT eyes in the sky. Together they inflicted significant damage on Iraqi ground forces.[192] U.S. A-10 "Warthog" crews would destroy 900 Iraqi tanks, 2,000 other military vehicles and 1,200 artillery pieces during combat operations.[citation needed]
The U.S. Marine Corps was represented by the 1st Marine Division and the 2nd Marine Division.[193] They were supported by the U.S. Army's 2nd Armored Division's Tiger Brigade to provide the Marines with additional armor support.[193] Marine armor units mostly consisted of the older M-60 tank.[193] The 1st Marine Division destroyed around 60 Iraqi tanks near the Burgan oil field without suffering any losses.[194] The 1st Marine Division Task Force Ripper led the drive to the Kuwait International Airport on 27 February 1991. Marine Task Force Ripper destroyed about 100 Iraqi tanks and armored personnel carriers, including T-72 tanks.[195] The division commander Maj. Gen. J.M. Myatt said,[196] "During the first day of combat operations 1st Platoon, D Company, 3rd Tank Battalion destroyed 15 Iraqi tanks".[197] The Marines also destroyed 25 APCs and took 300 prisoners of war.[198] The U.S.M.C. would often encounter the Iraqi 3rd Armored Division in their theater of operations. Once the 1st Marine Division reached Kuwait International Airport they found what remained of the Iraqi 12th Armored Brigade, 3rd Armored Division defending it. The Marines destroyed 30 to 40 Iraqi T-72 tanks which had taken up defensive positions around the airport.[197] The Iraqi 3rd Armored Division losses included more than 250 T-55/62s and 70 T-72 tanks by the end of combat operations.[197] The Iraqi 3rd Armored Division would be totally destroyed. The 2nd Marine Division played a major role repelling the attempted Iraqi invasion of Saudi Arabia which is known as the Battle of Khafji. The 2nd Marine Division also faced heavy resistance during the Battle of Kuwait International Airport. The battle featured the "Reveille Engagement" which went on to become the largest tank battle in United States Marine Corps' entire history.[199] Marine Reserve unit Bravo Company, 4th Tank Battalion, 4th Marine division was assigned to the 2nd Marine Division.[200] Bravo Company destroyed a total of 119 enemy vehicles and took over 800 POWs by the end of combat operations.[200] The 1st Tank Battalion claimed 50 Iraqi T-55 and T-62 tanks and 25 APCs. The 3rd Battalion claimed 57 T-55s and T-62s along with 5 T-72s, 7 APCs, and 10 trucks. The 8th Battalion destroyed more than three dozen tanks and a number of other vehicles.[201] U.S. Marine Corps armor units would destroy hundreds of Iraqi tanks by the end of combat operations.[197][202] U.S. Marine Corps tank losses would be light as they suffered the loss of ten M-60 tanks during combat operations.[203]
The United Kingdom was represented by its 1st Armoured Division known as the Desert Rats. The British 1st Armoured Division fielded approximately 176 Challenger 1 tanks.[205] British infantry rode into battle on the Warrior tracked armoured vehicle. It had reasonable armour protection and a 30mm gun. Modified versions of the vehicle included mortar carriers, MILAN antitank systems, and command and control vehicles; and the British possessed a variety of excellent light armoured vehicles built on their FV101 Scorpion chassis. British artillery was primarily American made M109 howitzers (155mm), M110 howitzers (203mm), and M270 MLRS which were compatible with American systems. Their air support consisted of Gazelle helicopters, used for reconnaissance, and the Lynx helicopter which was comparable to the American AH-1 Cobra. The British had their full contingent of engineer, logistics, and medical units.[206]
The British 1st Armoured Division was responsible for protecting the right flank of VII Corps. It was assumed by the Corps' planners the Iraqi 52nd Armored Division would counterattack VII Corps once their penetration into Iraqi defenses was discovered. The British 1st Armoured Division had two brigades (the 4th and 7th) which participated in Operation Granby, the name given to the British military operations during the 1991 Gulf War. The British 1st Armoured Division had traveled 217 miles in 97 hours. The British 1st Armored Division had captured or destroyed about 300 Iraqi tanks[citation needed] and a very large number of armored personnel carriers, trucks, reconnaissance vehicles, etc.[207][208] The Desert Rats also destroyed multiple Iraqi artillery positions.[209] The division also took over 7,000 Iraqi prisoners of war including two division commanders and two other general officers.[210] The British 1st Armoured Division destroyed or isolated four Iraqi infantry divisions (the 26th, 48th, 31st, and 25th) and overran the Iraqi 52nd Armored Division in several sharp engagements. The Iraqi 80th Armored Brigade would also fall victim to the British 1st Armoured Division.[211]
Iraq was represented mostly by its own VII Corps and its Jihad Corps.[192] Its most notable participants were its elite Republican Guard Divisions Tawakalna, Medina, Hammurabi, and Adnan.[212][213] The first three of these had a strength of over 660 tanks, 660 infantry fighting vehicles, and thousands of antitank weapons, self propelled artillery, and other combat systems.[192] The Tawakalna Republican Guard Division was Iraq's most powerful division which included approximately 14,000 soldiers, 220 T-72 tanks, 284 infantry fighting vehicles, 126 artillery pieces, and 18 MLRS.[214] The Iraqi 52nd Armored Division was also a primary participant.[208] It was a powerful division consisting of 245 tanks and 195 armored fighting vehicles.[215] The Iraqi 10th and 12th Armored Divisions were also present. The two divisions formed the foundation of the Jihad Corps.[192] The Iraqi 10th Armored Division was considered the best regular division in the Iraqi Army.[216] It had more modern equipment than the other regular Iraqi units.[216] It was equipped with T-72 and T-62 tanks.[216] The T-62 tank being its primary system.[216] Overall the primary tank of the Iraqi forces was the T-55 tank.[217] The Iraqis fielded them in great numbers.[217] The Iraqis also had elements of two other independent armored brigades in theatre, those being the 50th and 29th Armored Brigades.[218]Iraq would also field multiple Infantry Divisions.[219]
The Iraqis suffered the loss of over 3,000 tanks and over 2,000 other combat vehicles during these battles against the American-led coalition.[17] It is estimated that Iraqi forces suffered 20,000–50,000 troops killed during combat operations.[17] It is also estimated that over 75,000 Iraqi soldiers were wounded.[220] Between 80,000 and 175,000 Iraqi troops were taken prisoner.[17][19][20] Iraqi forces inflicted very minimal damage on Coalition forces.[221][222][223]
US decoy attacks by air attacks and naval gunfire the night before Kuwait's liberation were designed to make the Iraqis believe the main coalition ground attack would focus on central Kuwait.[citation needed] For months, American units in Saudi Arabia had been under almost constant Iraqi artillery fire, as well as threats from Scud missiles and chemical attacks. On 24 February 1991, the 1st and 2nd Marine Divisions and the 1st Light Armored Infantry Battalion crossed into Kuwait and headed toward Kuwait City. They encountered trenches, barbed wire, and minefields. However, these positions were poorly defended, and were overrun in the first few hours. Several tank battles took place, but otherwise coalition troops encountered minimal resistance, as most Iraqi troops surrendered. The general pattern was that the Iraqis would put up a short fight before surrendering. However, Iraqi air defenses shot down nine US aircraft. Meanwhile, forces from Arab states advanced into Kuwait from the east, encountering little resistance and suffering few casualties.[citation needed]
Despite the successes of coalition forces, it was feared that the Iraqi Republican Guard would escape into Iraq before it could be destroyed. It was decided to send British armored forces into Kuwait 15 hours ahead of schedule, and to send US forces after the Republican Guard. The coalition advance was preceded by a heavy artillery and rocket barrage, after which 150,000 troops and 1,500 tanks began their advance. Iraqi forces in Kuwait counterattacked against US troops, acting on a direct order from Saddam Hussein himself. Despite the intense combat, the Americans repulsed the Iraqis and continued to advance towards Kuwait City.[224]
Kuwaiti forces were tasked with liberating the city. Iraqi troops offered only light resistance. The Kuwaitis quickly liberated the city despite losing one soldier and having one plane shot down.[citation needed] On 27 February, Saddam ordered a retreat from Kuwait,[citation needed] and President Bush declared it liberated.[225] However, an Iraqi unit at Kuwait International Airport appeared not to have received the message and fiercely resisted. US Marines had to fight for hours before securing the airport, after which Kuwait was declared secure. After four days of fighting, Iraqi forces were expelled from Kuwait.[citation needed] As part of a scorched earth policy, they set fire to nearly 700 oil wells and placed land mines around the wells to make extinguishing the fires more difficult.[226][failed verification]
The war's ground phase was officially designated Operation Desert Saber.[citation needed] The first units to move into Iraq were three patrols of the British Special Air Service's B squadron, call signs Bravo One Zero, Bravo Two Zero, and Bravo Three Zero, in late January. These eight-man patrols landed behind Iraqi lines to gather intelligence on the movements of Scud mobile missile launchers, which could not be detected from the air, as they were hidden under bridges and camouflage netting during the day.[227] Other objectives included the destruction of the launchers and their fiber-optic communications arrays that lay in pipelines and relayed coordinates to the TEL operators launching attacks against Israel. The operations were designed to prevent any possible Israeli intervention. Due to lack of sufficient ground cover to carry out their assignment, One Zero and Three Zero abandoned their operations, while Two Zero remained, and was later compromised, with only Sergeant Chris Ryan escaping to Syria.[citation needed]
Elements of the 2nd Brigade, 1st Battalion 5th Cavalry of the 1st Cavalry Division of the US Army performed a direct attack into Iraq on 15 February 1991, followed by one in force on 20 February that led directly through seven Iraqi divisions which were caught off guard.[citation needed] On 17 January 1991 the 101st Airborne Division Aviation Regiment fired the first shots of the war when eight AH-64 helicopters successfully destroyed two Iraqi early warning radar sites.[228] From 15 to 20 February, the Battle of Wadi al-Batin took place inside Iraq; this was the first of two attacks by 1 Battalion 5th Cavalry of the 1st Cavalry Division. It was a feint attack, designed to make the Iraqis think that a coalition invasion would take place from the south. The Iraqis fiercely resisted, and the Americans eventually withdrew as planned back into the Wadi al-Batin. Three US soldiers were killed and nine wounded, with one M2 Bradley IFV turret destroyed, but they had taken 40 prisoners and destroyed five tanks, and successfully deceived the Iraqis. This attack led the way for the XVIII Airborne Corps to sweep around behind the 1st Cav and attack Iraqi forces to the west. On 22 February 1991, Iraq agreed to a Soviet-proposed ceasefire agreement. The agreement called for Iraq to withdraw troops to pre-invasion positions within six weeks following a total ceasefire, and called for monitoring of the ceasefire and withdrawal to be overseen by the UN Security Council.[citation needed]
The coalition rejected the proposal, but said that retreating Iraqi forces would not be attacked,[citation needed] and gave 24 hours for Iraq to withdraw its forces. On 23 February, fighting resulted in the capture of 500 Iraqi soldiers. On 24 February, British and American armored forces crossed the Iraq–Kuwait border and entered Iraq in large numbers, taking hundreds of prisoners. Iraqi resistance was light, and four Americans were killed.[229]
Shortly afterwards, the US VII Corps, in full strength and spearheaded by the 2nd Armored Cavalry Regiment, launched an armored attack into Iraq early on 24 February, just to the west of Kuwait, surprising Iraqi forces. Simultaneously, the US XVIII Airborne Corps launched a sweeping "left-hook" attack across southern Iraq's largely undefended desert, led by the US 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment and the 24th Infantry Division (Mechanized). This movement's left flank was protected by the French Division Daguet. The 101st Airborne Division conducted a combat air assault into enemy territory.[228] The 101st Airborne Division had struck 249 km (155 mi) behind enemy lines.[228] It was the deepest air assault operation in history.[228] Approximately 400 helicopters transported 2,000 soldiers into Iraq where they destroyed Iraqi columns trying to flee westward and prevented the escape of Iraqi forces.[230] The 101st Airborne Division travelled a further 80 to 100 km (50 to 60 mi) into Iraq.[228] By nightfall, the 101st cut off Highway 8 which was a vital supply line running between Basra and the Iraqi forces.[228] The 101st had lost 16 soldiers in action during the 100-hour war and captured thousands of enemy prisoners of war.[citation needed]
The French force quickly overcame Iraq's 45th Infantry Division, suffering light casualties and taking a large number of prisoners, and took up blocking positions to prevent an Iraqi counterattack on the coalition's flank. The movement's right flank was protected by the United Kingdom's 1st Armoured Division. Once the allies had penetrated deep into Iraqi territory, they turned eastward, launching a flank attack against the elite Republican Guard before it could escape. The Iraqis resisted fiercely from dug-in positions and stationary vehicles, and even mounted armored charges.[citation needed]
Unlike many previous engagements, the destruction of the first Iraqi tanks did not result in a mass surrender. The Iraqis suffered massive losses and lost dozens of tanks and vehicles, while US casualties were comparatively low, with a single Bradley knocked out. Coalition forces pressed another 10 km (6.2 mi) into Iraqi territory, and captured their objective within three hours. They took 500 prisoners and inflicted heavy losses, defeating Iraq's 26th Infantry Division. A US soldier was killed by an Iraqi land mine, another five by friendly fire, and 30 wounded during the battle. Meanwhile, British forces attacked Iraq's Medina Division and a major Republican Guard logistics base. In nearly two days of some of the war's most intense fighting, the British destroyed 40 enemy tanks and captured a division commander.[citation needed]
Meanwhile, US forces attacked the village of Al Busayyah, meeting fierce resistance. The US force destroyed military hardware and took prisoners, while suffering no casualties.[citation needed]
On 25 February 1991, Iraqi forces fired a Scud missile at an American barracks in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia. The missile attack killed 28 US military personnel.[231]
The coalition's advance was much swifter than US generals had expected. On 26 February, Iraqi troops began retreating from Kuwait, after they had set 737 of its oil wells on fire. A long convoy of retreating Iraqi troops formed along the main Iraq–Kuwait highway. Although they were retreating, this convoy was bombed so extensively by coalition air forces that it came to be known as the Highway of Death. Thousands of Iraqi troops were killed. American, British, and French forces continued to pursue retreating Iraqi forces over the border and back into Iraq, eventually moving to within 240 km (150 mi) of Baghdad, before withdrawing back to Iraq's border with Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.[232]
In coalition-occupied Iraqi territory, a peace conference was held where a ceasefire agreement was negotiated and signed by both sides. At the conference, Iraq was authorized to fly armed helicopters on their side of the temporary border, ostensibly for government transit due to the damage done to civilian infrastructure. Soon after, these helicopters and much of Iraq's military were used to fight an uprising in the south. On March 1, 1991, one day after the Gulf War ceasefire, a revolt broke out in Basra against the Iraqi government. The uprising spread within days to all of the largest Shia cities in southern Iraq: Najaf, Amarah, Diwaniya, Hilla, Karbala, Kut, Nasiriyah and Samawah. The rebellions were encouraged by an airing of "The Voice of Free Iraq" on 2 February 1991, which was broadcast from a CIA-run radio station out of Saudi Arabia. The Arabic service of the Voice of America supported the uprising by stating that the rebellion was well supported, and that they would soon be liberated from Saddam.[233]
In the North, Kurdish leaders took American statements that they would support an uprising to heart, and began fighting, hoping to trigger a coup d'état. However, when no US support came, Iraqi generals remained loyal to Saddam and brutally crushed the Kurdish uprising and the uprising in the south.[234] Millions of Kurds fled across the mountains to Turkey and Kurdish areas of Iran. On April 5, the Iraqi government announced "the complete crushing of acts of sedition, sabotage and rioting in all towns of Iraq." An estimated 25,000 to 100,000 Iraqis were killed in the uprisings.[235][236] These events later resulted in no-fly zones being established in northern and southern Iraq.[citation needed]
In Kuwait, the Emir was restored, and suspected Iraqi collaborators were repressed. Eventually, over 400,000 people were expelled from the country, including a large number of Palestinians, because of PLO support of Saddam. Yasser Arafat did not apologize for his support of Iraq, but after his death Mahmoud Abbas formally apologized in 2004 on behalf of the PLO. This came after the Kuwaiti government formally forgave the group.[237]
There was some criticism of the Bush administration, as they chose to allow Saddam to remain in power instead of pushing on to capture Baghdad and overthrowing his government. In their co-written 1998 book, A World Transformed, Bush and Brent Scowcroft argued that such a course would have fractured the alliance, and would have had many unnecessary political and human costs associated with it.[citation needed]
In 1992, the US Defense Secretary during the war, Dick Cheney, made the same point:
I would guess if we had gone in there, we would still have forces in Baghdad today. We'd be running the country. We would not have been able to get everybody out and bring everybody home.
And the final point that I think needs to be made is this question of casualties. I don't think you could have done all of that without significant additional US casualties, and while everybody was tremendously impressed with the low cost of the (1991) conflict, for the 146 Americans who were killed in action and for their families, it wasn't a cheap war.
And the question in my mind is, how many additional American casualties is Saddam [Hussein] worth? And the answer is, not that damned many. So, I think we got it right, both when we decided to expel him from Kuwait, but also when the President made the decision that we'd achieved our objectives and we were not going to go get bogged down in the problems of trying to take over and govern Iraq.[238]
On 10 March 1991, 540,000 US troops began moving out of the Persian Gulf.[citation needed]
On 15 March 1991, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad al-Sabah returned to Kuwait, staying at the private home of a wealthy Kuwaiti as his own palace had been destroyed. He was met with a symbolic arrival with several dozens cars filled with people honking their horns and waving Kuwaiti flags who tried to follow the Emir's convoy. According to The New York Times, he faced a population divided between those who stayed and those who fled, a government straining to reassert control and a rejuvenated opposition that is pressing for greater democracy and other postwar changes, including voting rights for women. Democracy advocates had been calling for restoration of Parliament that the Emir had suspended in 1986.[239]
Coalition members included Argentina, Australia, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belgium, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Denmark,[240] Egypt, France, Germany, Greece, Honduras, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Kuwait, Luxembourg, Morocco, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Romania,[241] Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom and the United States.[242] The United States had 700,000 troops.[243][244]
Germany and Japan provided financial assistance[245] and donated military hardware, although they did not send direct military assistance. This later became known as checkbook diplomacy.[citation needed]
Australia contributed a Naval Task Group, which formed part of the multi-national fleet in the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman, under Operation Damask. In addition, medical teams were deployed aboard a US hospital ship, and a naval clearance diving team took part in de-mining Kuwait's port facilities following the end of combat operations. Australian forces experienced a number of incidents in the first number of weeks of the Desert Storm Campaign including the detection of significant air threats from Iraq as a part of the outer perimeter of Battle Force Zulu; the detection of free sea floating mines and assistance to the aircraft carrier USS Midway. The Australian Task Force was also placed at great risk with regard to the sea mine threat, with HMAS Brisbane narrowly avoiding a mine. The Australians played a significant role in enforcing the sanctions put in place against Iraq following Kuwait's invasion. Following the war's end, Australia deployed a medical unit on Operation Habitat to northern Iraq as part of Operation Provide Comfort.[246]
Argentina was the only South American country to participate in the 1991 Gulf War. It sent a destroyer, ARA Almirante Brown (D-10), a corvette, ARA Spiro (P-43) (later replaced by another corvette, ARA Rosales (P-42)) and a supply ship, ARA Bahía San Blas (B-4) to participate on the United Nations blockade and sea control effort of the Persian Gulf. The success of "Operación Alfil" (English: "Operation Bishop") with more than 700 interceptions and 25,000 nautical miles (46,000 km) sailed in the theatre of operations helped to overcome the so-called "Malvinas syndrome".[247]
Argentina was later classified by the US as a major non-NATO ally due to its contributions during the war.[248]
Canada was one of the first countries to condemn Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, and it quickly agreed to join the US-led coalition. In August 1990, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney committed the Canadian Forces to deploy a Naval Task Group. The destroyers HMCS Terra Nova and HMCS Athabaskan joined the maritime interdiction force supported by the supply ship HMCS Protecteur in Operation Friction. The Canadian Task Group led the coalition's maritime logistics forces in the Persian Gulf. A fourth ship, HMCS Huron, arrived in-theater after hostilities had ceased and was the first allied ship to visit Kuwait.[citation needed]
Following the UN-authorized use of force against Iraq, the Canadian Forces deployed a CF-18 Hornet and CH-124 Sea King squadron with support personnel, as well as a field hospital to deal with casualties from the ground war. When the air war began, the CF-18s were integrated into the coalition force and were tasked with providing air cover and attacking ground targets. This was the first time since the Korean War that Canada's military had participated in offensive combat operations. The only CF-18 Hornet to record an official victory during the conflict was an aircraft involved in the beginning of the Battle of Bubiyan against the Iraqi Navy.[249]
The second largest European contingent was from France, which committed 18,000 troops.[242] Operating on the left flank of the US XVIII Airborne Corps, the French Army force was the Division Daguet, including troops from the French Foreign Legion. Initially, the French operated independently under national command and control, but coordinated closely with the Americans (via CENTCOM) and Saudis. In January, the Division was placed under the tactical control of the XVIII Airborne Corps. France also deployed several combat aircraft and naval units. The French called their contribution Opération Daguet.[citation needed]
Following the invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq, on September 25, 1990, the Italian Government sent eight multirole fighter bombers Tornado IDS (plus two spare) in the Persian Gulf, belonging to the 6º, 36º and 50º Stormo, which were deployed at the Al Dhafra Air Base, near Abu Dhabi, in the United Arab Emirates.[250][251][252] During the 42 days of war, Italian fighters made 226 sorties for a total of 589 flight hours. The Italian Air Force recorded the loss of a single aircraft in the Gulf War. The use of Italian aircraft as part of the Desert Storm operation represented the first operational employment in combat missions of Italian Air Force aircraft since the end of World War II.[citation needed]
The United Kingdom committed the largest contingent of any European state that participated in the war's combat operations. Operation Granby was the code name for the operations in the Persian Gulf. British Army regiments (mainly with the 1st Armoured Division), Royal Air Force, Naval Air Squadrons and Royal Navy vessels were mobilized in the Persian Gulf. Both Royal Air Force and Naval Air Squadrons, using various aircraft, operated from airbases in Saudi Arabia and Naval Air Squadrons from various vessels in the Persian Gulf. The United Kingdom played a major role in the Battle of Norfolk, where its forces destroyed over 200 Iraqi tanks and a large quantity of other vehicles.[207][208] After 48 hours of combat the British 1st Armoured Division destroyed or isolated four Iraqi infantry divisions (the 26th, 48th, 31st, and 25th) and overran the Iraqi 52nd Armored Division in several sharp engagements.[208]
Chief Royal Navy vessels deployed to the Persian Gulf included Broadsword-class frigates, and Sheffield-class destroyers; other R.N. and RFA ships were also deployed. The light aircraft carrier HMS Ark Royal was deployed to the Mediterranean Sea.[citation needed]
Several SAS squadrons were deployed.[citation needed]
A British Challenger 1 achieved the longest range confirmed tank kill of the war, destroying an Iraqi tank with an armour-piercing fin-stabilized discarding-sabot (APFSDS) round fired over 4,700 metres (2.9 mi)—the longest tank-on-tank kill shot recorded.[253][254]
Over 1,000 Kuwaiti civilians were killed by Iraqis.[255] More than 600 Kuwaitis went missing during Iraq's occupation,[256] and approximately 375 remains were found in mass graves in Iraq. The increased importance of air attacks from both coalition warplanes and cruise missiles led to controversy over the number of civilian deaths caused during Desert Storm's initial stages. Within Desert Storm's first 24 hours, more than 1,000 sorties were flown, many against targets in Baghdad. The city was the target of heavy bombing, as it was the seat of power for Saddam and the Iraqi forces' command and control. This ultimately led to civilian casualties.[citation needed]
In one noted incident, two USAF stealth planes bombed a bunker in Amiriyah, causing the deaths of 408 Iraqi civilians in the shelter.[257] Scenes of burned and mutilated bodies were subsequently broadcast, and controversy arose over the bunker's status, with some stating that it was a civilian shelter, while others contended that it was a center of Iraqi military operations, and that the civilians had been deliberately moved there to act as human shields.[citation needed]
Saddam's government gave high civilian casualty to draw support from Islamic countries. The Iraqi government claimed that 2,300 civilians died during the air campaign.[258] According to the Project on Defense Alternatives study, 3,664 Iraqi civilians were killed in the conflict.[259]
During the nationwide uprisings against the Ba'athist Iraqi government that directly followed the end of the Gulf War in March and April, an estimated 25,000 to 100,000 Iraqis were killed, overwhelmingly civilians.[235]
A Harvard University study released in June 1991 predicted that there would be tens of thousands of additional Iraqi civilian deaths by the end of 1991 due to the "public health catastrophe" caused by the destruction of the country's electrical generating capacity. "Without electricity, hospitals cannot function, perishable medicines spoil, water cannot be purified and raw sewage cannot be processed,". The US government refused to release its own study of the effects of the Iraqi public health crisis.[260]
An investigation in 1992 by Beth Osborne Daponte estimated about 13,000 civilians were directly killed in the war, while another 70,000 died indirectly from the war's other effects.[261][262][263] According to a 1992 study published in The New England Journal of Medicine by researchers known as the International Study Team (IST), child mortality increased threefold as a result of the war, with 46,900 children under the age of 5 dying between January and August 1991.[264] However, these figures have been challenged by a 2017 study published in The BMJ, which stated that the "IST survey probably understated the level of child mortality that prevailed during 1985–1990 and overstated the level during 1991." According to this study, "there was no major rise in child mortality in Iraq after 1990".[265] A report published in 2002 by Medact estimated the total number of Iraqi deaths caused directly and indirectly by the Gulf War to be between 142,500 and 206,000, including 100,000–120,000 military deaths, and 20,000–35,000 civilian deaths in the civil war and 15,000–30,000 refugee deaths after the end of the Gulf war.[26]
Iraq also launched numerous attacks on civilian targets in Israel and Saudi Arabia. A 1991 report by Middle East Watch said that at least one Saudi civilian was killed after they were hit by Iraqi shelling in Riyadh.[266] Disputed amounts of people were also killed during the Iraqi rocket attacks on Israel.[citation needed]
A United Nations report in March 1991 described the effect on Iraq of the US-led bombing campaign as "near apocalyptic", bringing back Iraq to the "pre-industrial age."[267] The exact number of Iraqi combat casualties is unknown, but is believed to have been heavy. Some estimate that Iraq sustained between 20,000 and 35,000 fatalities.[261] A report commissioned by the US Air Force estimated 10,000–12,000 Iraqi combat deaths in the air campaign, and as many as 10,000 casualties in the ground war.[268] This analysis is based on Iraqi prisoner of war reports.[citation needed]
According to the Project on Defense Alternatives study, between 20,000 and 26,000 Iraqi military personnel were killed in the conflict while 75,000 others were wounded.[259]
According to Kanan Makiya, "For the Iraqi people, the cost of enforcing the will of the United Nations has been grotesque."[269] General Schwarzkopf talked about "a very, very large number of dead in these units, a very, very large number indeed."[270] The chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Les Aspin, estimated that "at least 65,000 Iraqi soldiers were killed".[270] A figure was supported by Israeli sources who speak of "one to two hundred thousand Iraqi casualties." Most of the killing "took place during the ground war. Fleeing soldiers were bombed with a device known as a 'fuel-air explosive.'"[270]
The US Department of Defense reports that US forces suffered 148 battle-related deaths (35 to friendly fire[284]), with one pilot listed as MIA (his remains were found and identified in August 2009). A further 145 Americans died in non-combat accidents.[271] The UK suffered 47 deaths (nine to friendly fire, all by US forces), France nine,[271] and the other countries, not including Kuwait, suffered 37 deaths (18 Saudis, one Egyptian, six UAE and three Qataris).[271] At least 605 Kuwaiti soldiers were still missing 10 years after their capture.[285]
The largest single loss of life among coalition forces happened on 25 February 1991, when an Iraqi Al Hussein missile hit a US military barrack in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, killing 28 US Army Reservists from Pennsylvania. In all, 190 coalition troops were killed by Iraqi fire during the war, 113 of whom were American, out of 358 coalition deaths. Another 44 soldiers were killed and 57 wounded by friendly fire. 145 soldiers died of exploding munitions or non-combat accidents.[286]
The largest accident among coalition forces happened on 21 March 1991, when a Royal Saudi Air Force C-130H crashed in heavy smoke on approach to Ras Al-Mishab Airport, Saudi Arabia. 92 Senegalese soldiers and six Saudi crew members were killed.[275]
The number of coalition wounded in combat was 776, including 458 Americans.[287]
190 coalition troops were killed by Iraqi combatants, the rest of the 379 coalition deaths were from friendly fire or accidents. This number was much lower than expected. Among the American combat dead were four female soldiers.[288]
While the death toll among coalition forces engaging Iraqi combatants was very low, a substantial number of deaths were caused by accidental attacks from other Allied units. Of the 148 US troops who died in battle, 24% were killed by friendly fire, a total of 35 service personnel.[289] A further 11 died in detonations of coalition munitions. Nine British military personnel were killed in a friendly fire incident when a USAF A-10 Thunderbolt II destroyed a group of two Warrior IFVs.[citation needed]
Many returning coalition soldiers reported illnesses following their action in the war, a phenomenon known as Gulf War syndrome (GWS) or Gulf War illness (GWI). Common symptoms reported are chronic fatigue, fibromyalgia, and gastrointestinal disorder.[290] There has been widespread speculation and disagreement about the causes of the illness and the possibly related birth defects. Researchers found that infants born to male veterans of the 1991 war had higher rates of two types of heart valve defects. Some children born after the war to Gulf War veterans had a certain kidney defect that was not found in Gulf War veterans' children born before the war. Researchers have said that they did not have enough information to link birth defects with exposure to toxic substances.[291]
In 1994, the US Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs with Respect to Export Administration published a report entitled, "U.S. Chemical and Biological Warfare-Related Dual Use Exports to Iraq and their Possible Impact on the Health Consequences of the Gulf War". This publication, called the Riegle Report, summarized testimony this committee had received establishing that the U.S. had in the 1980s supplied Saddam Hussein with chemical and biological warfare technology, that Saddam had used such chemical weapons against Iran and his own native Kurds, and possibly against U.S. soldiers as well, plausibly contributing to the GWS.[citation needed]
A 2022 study by Dr. Robert W. Haley of the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, et al., of 1,016 U.S. Gulf War veterans found evidence of a causal link between GWS and exposure to low levels of the nerve agent sarin, which was released into the air by coalition bombing of Iraqi chemical weapons facilities. Significantly, the study found an increased incidence of GWS not only among veterans who recounted hearing nerve agent alarms, but also among veterans with the RR or QR (as opposed to the QQ) forms of the PON1 gene, which produces an enzyme that deactivates organophosphates (including sarin) through hydrolysis. By contrast, GWS was inversely associated with higher levels of the type Q isozyme, which is more efficient at breaking down sarin than its type R counterpart. The authors "found that the PON1 genotype and hearing nerve agent alarms were independent and the findings robust to both measured and unmeasured confounding, supporting a mechanistic [gene–environment] interaction. ... Moreover, the change in the combined effect from one category to the next was significantly greater than the sum of the independent effects of the environmental exposure and the genotype".[292]
The US military used depleted uranium in tank kinetic energy penetrators and 20–30 mm (0.79–1.18 in) cannon ordnance. Significant controversy regarding the long term safety of depleted uranium exists, including claims of pyrophoric, genotoxic, and teratogenic heavy metal effects. Many have cited its use during the war as a contributing factor to a number of major health issues in veterans and in surrounding civilian populations, including in birth defects and child cancer rates. Scientific opinion on the risk is mixed.[293][294][295] In 2004, Iraq had the highest mortality rate due to leukemia of any country.[296][297][298][299]
Depleted uranium has 40% less radioactivity than natural uranium, but the negative effects should not be overlooked.[300] Depleted uranium is not a significant health hazard unless it is taken into the body. External exposure to radiation from depleted uranium is generally not a major concern because the alpha particles emitted by its isotopes travel only a few centimeters in air or can be stopped by a sheet of paper. Also, the uranium-235 that remains in depleted uranium emits only a small amount of low-energy gamma radiation. However, if allowed to enter the body, depleted uranium, like natural uranium, has the potential for both chemical and radiological toxicity with the two important target organs being the kidneys and the lungs.[301]
In the night of 26–27 February 1991, some Iraqi forces began leaving Kuwait on the main highway north of Al Jahra in a column of some 1,400 vehicles. A patrolling E-8 Joint STARS aircraft observed the retreating forces and relayed the information to the DDM-8 air operations center in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.[citation needed] These vehicles and the retreating soldiers were subsequently attacked by two A-10 aircraft, resulting in a 60 kilometres (37 mi) stretch of highway strewn with debris—the Highway of Death. New York Times reporter Maureen Dowd wrote, "With the Iraqi leader facing military defeat, Mr. Bush decided that he would rather gamble on a violent and potentially unpopular ground war than risk the alternative: an imperfect settlement hammered out by the Soviets and Iraqis that world opinion might accept as tolerable."[302]
Chuck Horner, Commander of US and allied air operations, has written:
[By February 26], the Iraqis totally lost heart and started to evacuate occupied Kuwait, but airpower halted the caravan of Iraqi Army and plunderers fleeing toward Basra. This event was later called by the media "The Highway of Death." There were certainly a lot of dead vehicles, but not so many dead Iraqis. They'd already learned to scamper off into the desert when our aircraft started to attack. Nevertheless, some people back home wrongly chose to believe we were cruelly and unusually punishing our already whipped foes.
...
By February 27, talk had turned toward terminating the hostilities. Kuwait was free. We were not interested in governing Iraq. So the question became "How do we stop the killing."[303]
Another incident during the war highlighted the question of large-scale Iraqi combat deaths. This was the "bulldozer assault", wherein two brigades from the US 1st Infantry Division (Mechanized) were faced with a large and complex trench network, as part of the heavily fortified "Saddam Hussein Line". After some deliberation, they opted to use anti-mine plows mounted on tanks and combat earthmovers to simply plow over and bury alive the defending Iraqi soldiers. Not a single American was killed during the attack. Reporters were banned from witnessing the attack, near the neutral zone that touches the border between Saudi Arabia and Iraq.[304] Every American in the assault was inside an armored vehicle.[304]
Patrick Day Sloyan of Newsday reported, "Bradley Fighting Vehicles and Vulcan armored carriers straddled the trench lines and fired into the Iraqi soldiers as the tanks covered them with mounds of sand. 'I came through right after the lead company,' [Col. Anthony] Moreno said. 'What you saw was a bunch of buried trenches with peoples' arms and things sticking out of them.'"[305] However, after the war, the Iraqi government said that only 44 bodies were found.[306] In his book The Wars Against Saddam, John Simpson alleges that US forces attempted to cover up the incident.[307] After the incident, the commander of the 1st Brigade said: "I know burying people like that sounds pretty nasty, but it would be even nastier if we had to put our troops in the trenches and clean them out with bayonets."[305] Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney did not mention the First Division's tactics in an interim report to Congress on Operation Desert Storm.[304] In the report, Cheney acknowledged that 457 enemy soldiers were buried during the ground war.[304]
A Palestinian exodus from Kuwait took place during and after the Gulf War. During the Gulf War, more than 200,000 Palestinians fled Kuwait during the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait due to harassment and intimidation by Iraqi security forces,[308] in addition to getting fired from work by Iraqi authority figures in Kuwait.[308] After the Gulf War, the Kuwaiti authorities forcibly pressured nearly 200,000 Palestinians to leave Kuwait in 1991.[308] Kuwait's policy, which led to this exodus, was a response to alignment of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and the PLO with Saddam Hussein.
The Palestinians who fled Kuwait were Jordanian citizens.[309] In 2013, 280,000 Jordanian citizens of Palestinian origin lived in Kuwait.[310] In 2012, 80,000 Palestinians (without Jordanian citizenship) lived in Kuwait.[311]
Saudi Arabia expelled Yemeni workers after Yemen supported Saddam during the Gulf War.[312]
In the 23 June 1991 edition of The Washington Post, reporter Bart Gellman wrote:
Many of the targets were chosen only secondarily to contribute to the military defeat of Iraq ... Military planners hoped the bombing would amplify the economic and psychological impact of international sanctions on Iraqi society ... They deliberately did great harm to Iraq's ability to support itself as an industrial society ...[313]
In the Jan/Feb 1995 edition of Foreign Affairs, French diplomat Eric Rouleau wrote:
[T]he Iraqi people, who were not consulted about the invasion, have paid the price for their government's madness ... Iraqis understood the legitimacy of a military action to drive their army from Kuwait, but they have had difficulty comprehending the Allied rationale for using air power to systematically destroy or cripple Iraqi infrastructure and industry: electric power stations (92 percent of installed capacity destroyed), refineries (80 percent of production capacity), petrochemical complexes, telecommunications centers (including 135 telephone networks), bridges (more than 100), roads, highways, railroads, hundreds of locomotives and boxcars full of goods, radio and television broadcasting stations, cement plants, and factories producing aluminum, textiles, electric cables, and medical supplies.[314]
However, the UN subsequently spent billions rebuilding hospitals, schools, and water purification facilities throughout the country.[315]
During the conflict, coalition aircrew shot down over Iraq were displayed as prisoners of war on TV, most with visible signs of abuse. Amongst several testimonies to poor treatment,[316] USAF Captain Richard Storr was allegedly tortured by Iraqis during the Persian Gulf War. Iraqi secret police broke his nose, dislocated his shoulder and punctured his eardrum.[317] Royal Air Force Tornado crew John Nichol and John Peters have both alleged that they were tortured during this time.[318][319] Nichol and Peters were forced to make statements against the war on television. Members of British Special Air Service Bravo Two Zero were captured while providing information about an Iraqi supply line of Scud missiles to coalition forces. Only one, Chris Ryan, evaded capture while the group's other surviving members were violently tortured.[320] Flight surgeon (later General) Rhonda Cornum was sexually assaulted by one of her captors[321] after the Black Hawk helicopter in which she was riding was shot down while searching for a downed F-16 pilot.[citation needed]
Since the war, the US has had a continued presence of 5,000 troops stationed in Saudi Arabia – a figure that rose to 10,000 during the 2003 conflict in Iraq.[322] Operation Southern Watch enforced the no-fly zones over southern Iraq set up after 1991; oil exports through the Persian Gulf's shipping lanes were protected by the Bahrain-based US Fifth Fleet.[citation needed]
Since Saudi Arabia houses Mecca and Medina, Islam's holiest sites, many Muslims were upset at the permanent military presence. The continued presence of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia after the war was one of the stated motivations behind the 11 September terrorist attacks,[322] the Khobar Towers bombing, and the date chosen for the 1998 US embassy bombings (7 August), which was eight years to the day that US troops were sent to Saudi Arabia.[323] Osama bin Laden interpreted the Islamic prophet Muhammad as banning the "permanent presence of infidels in Arabia".[324] In 1996, bin Laden issued a fatwa, calling for US troops to leave Saudi Arabia. In a December 1999 interview with Rahimullah Yusufzai, bin Laden said he felt that Americans were "too near to Mecca" and considered this a provocation to the entire Islamic world.[325]
On 6 August 1990, after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 661 which imposed economic sanctions on Iraq, providing for a full trade embargo, excluding medical supplies, food and other items of humanitarian necessity, these to be determined by the council's sanctions committee. From 1991 until 2003, the effects of government policy and sanctions regime led to hyperinflation, widespread poverty and malnutrition.[citation needed]
During the late 1990s, the UN considered relaxing the sanctions imposed because of the hardships suffered by ordinary Iraqis. Studies dispute the number of people who died in south and central Iraq during the years of the sanctions.[326][327][328][329]
The draining of the Qurna Marshes was an irrigation project in Iraq during and immediately after the war, to drain a large area of marshes in the Tigris–Euphrates river system. Formerly covering an area of around 3,000 km2 (1,200 sq mi), the large complex of wetlands were nearly emptied of water, and the local Shi'ite population relocated, following the war and 1991 uprisings. By 2000, the United Nations Environment Programme estimated that 90% of the marshlands had disappeared, causing desertification of over 7,500 square miles (19,000 km2).[citation needed]
The draining occurred in Iraq and to a smaller degree in Iran between the 1950s and 1990s to clear large areas of the marshes. Formerly covering an area of around 20,000 km2 (7,700 sq mi), the large complex of wetlands was 90% drained before the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. The marshes are typically divided into three main sub-marshes, the Hawizeh, Central, and Hammar Marshes and all three were drained at different times for different reasons. Initial draining of the Central Marshes was intended to reclaim land for agriculture but later all three marshes would become a tool of war and revenge.[330]
Many international organizations such as the UN Human Rights Commission, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, the Wetlands International, and Middle East Watch have described the project as a political attempt to force the Marsh Arabs out of the area through water diversion tactics.[330]
On 23 January, Iraq dumped 400 million US gallons (1,500,000 m3) of crude oil into the Persian Gulf,[332] causing the largest offshore oil spill in history at that time.[331] It was reported as a deliberate natural resources attack to keep US Marines from coming ashore (Missouri and Wisconsin had shelled Failaka Island during the war to reinforce the idea that there would be an amphibious assault attempt).[333] About 30–40% of this came from allied raids on Iraqi coastal targets.[334]
The Kuwaiti oil fires were caused by the Iraqi military setting fire to 700 oil wells as part of a scorched earth policy while retreating from Kuwait in 1991 after conquering the country but being driven out by coalition forces. The fires started in January and February 1991, and the last one was extinguished by November.[335]
The resulting fires burned uncontrollably because of the dangers of sending in firefighting crews. Land mines had been placed in areas around the oil wells, and a military cleaning of the areas was necessary before the fires could be put out. Somewhere around 6 million barrels (950,000 m3) of oil were lost each day. Eventually, privately contracted crews extinguished the fires, at a total cost of US$1.5 billion to Kuwait.[336] By that time, however, the fires had burned for approximately 10 months, causing widespread pollution.[citation needed]
The cost of the war to the United States was calculated by the US Congress in April 1992 to be $61.1 billion[337] (equivalent to $119 billion in 2023).[338] About $52 billion of that amount was paid by other countries: $36 billion by Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states of the Persian Gulf; $16 billion by Germany and Japan (which sent no combat forces due to their constitutions). About 25% of Saudi Arabia's contribution was paid with in-kind services to the troops, such as food and transportation.[337] US troops represented about 74% of the combined force, and the global cost was therefore higher.[citation needed]
Apart from the impact on Arab States of the Persian Gulf, the resulting economic disruptions after the crisis affected many states. The Overseas Development Institute (ODI) undertook a study in 1991 to assess the effects on developing states and the international community's response. A briefing paper finalized on the day that the conflict ended draws on their findings which had two main conclusions: Many developing states were severely affected and while there has been a considerable response to the crisis, the distribution of assistance was highly selective.[339]
The ODI factored in elements of "cost" which included oil imports, remittance flows, re-settlement costs, loss of export earnings and tourism. For Egypt, the cost totaled $1 billion, 3% of GDP. Yemen had a cost of $830 million, 10% of GDP, while it cost Jordan $1.8 billion, 32% of GDP.[340][citation needed]
International response to the crisis on developing states came with the channeling of aid through The Gulf Crisis Financial Co-ordination Group. They were 24 states, comprising most of the OECD countries plus some Gulf states: Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait. The members of this group agreed to disperse $14 billion in development assistance.[citation needed]
The World Bank responded by speeding up the disbursement of existing project and adjustment loans. The International Monetary Fund adopted two lending facilities – the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) and the Compensatory & Contingency Financing Facility (CCFF). The European Community offered $2 billion[clarification needed] in assistance.[339]
US policy regarding media freedom was much more restrictive than in the Vietnam War.[341] The policy had been spelled out in a Pentagon document entitled Annex Foxtrot. Most of the press information came from briefings organized by the military. Only selected journalists were allowed to visit the front lines or conduct interviews with soldiers. Those visits were always conducted in the presence of officers, and were subject to both prior approval by the military and censorship afterward. This was ostensibly to protect sensitive information from being revealed to Iraq. This policy was heavily influenced by the military's experience with the Vietnam War, in which public opposition within the US grew throughout the war's course. It was not only the limitation of information in the Middle East; media were also restricting what was shown about the war with more graphic depictions like Ken Jarecke's image of a burnt Iraqi soldier being pulled from the American AP wire whereas in Europe it was given extensive coverage.[342][343][344]
Two BBC journalists, John Simpson and Bob Simpson (no relation), defied their editors and remained in Baghdad to report on the war's progress. They were responsible for a report which included an "infamous cruise missile that travelled down a street and turned left at a traffic light."[345]
Alternative media outlets provided views opposing the war.[346][347][348] Deep Dish Television compiled segments from independent producers in the US and abroad, and produced a 10-hour series that was distributed internationally, called The Gulf Crisis TV Project.[349] The series' first program War, Oil and Power[350] was compiled and released in 1990, before the war broke out. News World Order was the title of another program in the series; it focused on the media's complicity in promoting the war, as well as Americans' reactions to the media coverage.[351]
Media watchdog group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) critically analyzed media coverage during the war in various articles and books, such as the 1991 Gulf War Coverage: The Worst Censorship was at Home.[352]
Precision-guided munitions were heralded as key in allowing military strikes to be made with a minimum of civilian casualties compared to previous wars, although they were not used as often as more traditional, less accurate bombs. Specific buildings in downtown Baghdad could be bombed while journalists in their hotels watched cruise missiles fly by.[citation needed]
Precision-guided munitions amounted to approximately 7.4% of all bombs dropped by the coalition. Other bombs included cluster bombs, which disperse numerous submunitions,[353] and daisy cutters, 15,000-pound bombs which can disintegrate everything within hundreds of yards.[citation needed]
Global Positioning System (GPS) units were relatively new at the time and were important in enabling coalition units to easily navigate across the desert. Since military GPS receivers were not available for most troops, many used commercially available units. To permit these to be used to best effect, the "selective availability" feature of the GPS system was turned off for the duration of Desert Storm, allowing these commercial receivers to provide the same precision as the military equipment.[354]
Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) and satellite communication systems were also important. Two examples of this are the US Navy's Grumman E-2 Hawkeye and the US Air Force's Boeing E-3 Sentry. Both were used in command and control area of operations. These systems provided essential communications links between air, ground, and naval forces. It is one of several reasons coalition forces dominated the air war.[citation needed]
American-made color photocopiers were used to produce some of Iraq's battle plans. Some of the copiers contained concealed high-tech transmitters that revealed their positions to American electronic warfare aircraft, leading to more precise bombings.[355]
The role of Iraq's Scud missiles featured prominently in the war. Scud is a tactical ballistic missile that the Soviet Union developed and deployed among the forward deployed Soviet Army divisions in East Germany.[citation needed]
Scud missiles utilize inertial guidance which operates for the duration that the engines operate. Iraq used Scud missiles, launching them into both Saudi Arabia and Israel. Some missiles caused extensive casualties, while others caused little damage.[citation needed]
The US Patriot missile was used in combat for the first time. The US military claimed a high effectiveness against Scuds at the time, but later analysis gives figures as low as 9%, with 45% of the 158 Patriot launches being against debris or false targets.[356] The Dutch Ministry of Defense, which also sent Patriot missiles to protect civilians in Israel and Turkey, later disputed the higher claim.[143] Further, there is at least one incident of a software error causing a Patriot missile's failure to engage an incoming Scud, resulting in deaths.[357] Both the US Army and the missile manufacturers maintained the Patriot delivered a "miracle performance" in the Gulf War.[356]
The Gulf War has been the subject of several video games including Conflict: Desert Storm, Conflict: Desert Storm II, Gulf War: Operation Desert Hammer, and Call of Duty: Black Ops 6. There have also been numerous depictions in film including Jarhead (2005), which is based on US Marine Anthony Swofford's 2003 memoir of the same name.[358] The 2016 Bollywood movie Airlift is based on Operation Ganga, the evacuation of Indian citizens stranded in Kuwait during the Gulf War.[359]
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link)Oil formations frequently run beneath political boundaries, whether they involve unfriendly leaseholders in West Texas or neighboring Arab states, and procedures have existed for years to settle disputes that arise. Typically, participants in the same field share both production costs and revenues, using a formula that sets percentages of ownership. But Iraq refused to negotiate with Kuwait on such an agreement. So Kuwait produced oil from Rumaila without any agreement, and then adopted a policy of producing far more oil than it was allowed under the quota system of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. ... But during the [Iran–Iraq War] Iraq mined its giant share of the Rumaila field to keep it from falling into Iranian hands, Western political experts say. Kuwait stepped up its total oil production, capturing some of Iraq's customers and pumping millions of barrels from the Rumaila field. ... Some Iraqi officials have accused Kuwait in the past of using advanced drilling techniques developed by American oilfield specialists to siphon oil from the Rumaila field, a charge that American drillers deny, noting that the oil flows easily from the Rumaila field without any need for these techniques. ... W. C. Goins, senior vice president of OGE Drilling Inc., a Houston company that provided oilfield supervisors and workers for Kuwait in the same area, said he was 'positive' all of the wells his employees drilled and operated ran vertically down to the Rumaila pay zone. 'That field crosses the border in north Kuwait,' he added. 'Iraqis were drilling on one side, and Kuwaitis on the other side.'
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Sources: Gulf War Airpower Survey, Vol. 5; Norman Friedman, Desert Victory; World Air Power Journal. Additionally, Mark Bovankovich and LT Chuck Chase offered corrections and several intriguing details on these incidents. All errors, however, remain entirely mine.
Air attacks inflicted heavy casualties on retreatng forces along what became known as 'the highway of death.' American, British, and French units pursued the Iraqis to within 150 miles of Baghdad.
For Gulf War veterans with the QQ genotype, hearing nerve agent alarms—a proxy for chemical exposure—raised their chance of developing GWI by 3.75 times. For those with the QR genotype, the alarms raised their chance of GWI by 4.43 times. And for those with two copies of the R gene, inefficient at breaking down sarin, the chance of GWI increased by 8.91 times. Those soldiers with both the RR genotype and low-level sarin exposure were over seven times more likely to get GWI due to the interaction per se, over and above the increase in risk from both risk factors acting alone. For genetic epidemiologists, this number leads to a high degree of confidence that sarin is a causative agent of GWI.
SAS first units ground January into iraq.
Last paragraph: "On 16 January 1991 the air war against Iraq began
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