Популизм

Популизм — это ряд политических позиций, которые подчеркивают идею «народа» и часто противопоставляют эту группу «элите». ^[1] Он часто ассоциируется с антиистеблишментскими и антиполитическими настроениями. ^[2] Термин появился в конце 19 века и с тех пор применялся к различным политикам, партиям и движениям, часто как уничижительное . В политической науке и других социальных науках использовалось несколько различных определений популизма, при этом некоторые ученые предлагали вообще отвергнуть этот термин. ^[1]^[3]

Распространенная структура для интерпретации популизма известна как идеационный подход: он определяет популизм как идеологию, которая представляет «народ» как морально хорошую силу и противопоставляет его «элите», которая изображается как коррумпированная и корыстная. ^[4] Популисты различаются в том, как определяется «народ», но он может быть основан на классовых, этнических или национальных признаках. Популисты обычно представляют «элиту» как включающую политический, экономический, культурный и медийный истеблишмент, изображаемую как однородное образование и обвиняемую в том, что она ставит свои собственные интересы, а часто и интересы других групп, таких как крупные корпорации, иностранные государства или иммигранты, выше интересов «народа». ^[5] Согласно идеациональному подходу, популизм часто сочетается с другими идеологиями, такими как национализм, либерализм, социализм , капитализм или потребительство . Таким образом, популистов можно найти в разных местах вдоль лево-правого политического спектра , и существует как левый популизм , так и правый популизм . ^[6]

Другие ученые социальных наук дали термину популизм иное определение. Согласно определению популярного агентства, используемому некоторыми историками истории Соединенных Штатов, популизм относится к массовому участию населения в принятии политических решений. Подход, связанный с политологом Эрнесто Лаклау, представляет популизм как освободительную социальную силу, посредством которой маргинализированные группы бросают вызов доминирующим структурам власти. Некоторые экономисты использовали этот термин в отношении правительств, которые осуществляют значительные государственные расходы, финансируемые за счет иностранных займов, что приводит к гиперинфляции и чрезвычайным мерам. В популярном дискурсе — где этот термин часто использовался уничижительно — он иногда использовался как синоним демагогии , чтобы описать политиков, которые представляют чрезмерно упрощенные ответы на сложные вопросы в весьма эмоциональной манере, или как политический оппортунизм, чтобы охарактеризовать политиков, которые эксплуатируют проблемы и стремятся угодить избирателям без рационального рассмотрения наилучшего курса действий. ^[7] Некоторые ученые связывают популистскую политику с неблагоприятными экономическими результатами, поскольку «экономическая дезинтеграция, снижение макроэкономической стабильности и эрозия институтов обычно идут рука об руку с популистским правлением». ^[8]

Этимология и терминология

Хотя термин [ популизм ] часто используется историками, социологами и политическими комментаторами, он исключительно расплывчат и в разных контекстах относится к ошеломляющему разнообразию явлений.

Маргарет Канован , 1981 ^[9]

Слово «популизм» оспаривалось, неправильно переводилось и использовалось в отношении самых разных движений и убеждений. ^[10] Политолог Уилл Бретт охарактеризовал его как «классический пример растянутой концепции, вырванной из формы чрезмерным и неправильным использованием» ^[11] , в то время как политолог Пол Таггарт сказал о популизме, что это «одна из наиболее широко используемых, но плохо понимаемых политических концепций нашего времени» ^{[12] .}

В 1858 году английский переводчик Альфонса де Ламартина использовал этот термин как антоним к слову «аристократический». ^[13]

В Российской империи в 1860-х и 1870-х годах леворадикальная аграрная группа называла себя народниками , что часто переводилось на английский язык как популисты . ^[14]^[15] Но первое крупное использование этого термина на английском языке было сделано членами леворадикальной аграрной Народной партии и ее предшественниками, ^[16] которые действовали в Соединенных Штатах примерно с 1889 по 1909 год. Российское и американское движения различались во многих отношениях. ^[17]

В 1920-х годах этот термин вошел во французский язык , где он использовался для описания группы писателей, выражающих сочувствие простым людям. ^[18]

Поскольку этот термин редко использовался в качестве политического самоназвания с первого десятилетия 1900-х годов, его значение расширилось. ^[19] Как отметила политолог Маргарет Канован , «не было осознанного международного популистского движения, которое могло бы попытаться контролировать или ограничивать ссылку на этот термин, и в результате те, кто его использовал, смогли придать ему широкий спектр значений». ^[20] В этом он отличается от других политических терминов, таких как « социализм » или « консерватизм », которые широко использовались в качестве самоназваний отдельными лицами, которые затем представили свои собственные, внутренние определения этого слова. ^[21] Вместо этого он имеет сходство с такими терминами, как « крайне левый », « крайне правый » или « экстремист », которые часто используются в политическом дискурсе, но редко в качестве самоназваний. ^[22]

В новостных СМИ термин «популизм» часто путают с другими понятиями, такими как демагогия , ^[23] и обычно представляют как что-то, чего следует «бояться и дискредитировать». ^[24] Его часто применяют к движениям, которые считаются находящимися вне политического мейнстрима или представляющими угрозу демократии . ^[25] Политологи Ив Мени и Ив Сюрель отметили, что «популизм» стал «модным словом, особенно в СМИ, для обозначения новообразованных политических или социальных движений, которые бросают вызов укоренившимся ценностям, правилам и институтам демократической ортодоксальности». ^[26] Обычно этот термин используют против других, часто в уничижительном смысле, чтобы дискредитировать оппонентов. ^[27]

Некоторые из тех, кого неоднократно называли «популистами» в уничижительном смысле, впоследствии приняли этот термин, стремясь избавиться от его негативных коннотаций. ^[24] Французский крайне правый политик Жан-Мари Ле Пен , например, часто обвинялся в популизме и в конечном итоге ответил, заявив, что «Популизм как раз и заключается в учете мнения народа. Имеют ли люди право в демократии иметь свое мнение? Если это так, то да, я популист». ^[24] Аналогичным образом, будучи основанной в 2003 году, левоцентристская Литовская рабочая партия заявила: «Мы являемся и будем называться популистами». ^[28]

После 2016 года, когда Дональд Трамп был избран президентом США, а Соединенное Королевство проголосовало за выход из Европейского союза (оба события связаны с популизмом), слово «популизм» стало одним из наиболее широко используемых терминов международными политическими комментаторами. ^[29] В 2017 году Кембриджский словарь объявил его словом года . ^[30]

Использование в академических кругах

До 1950-х годов использование термина популизм оставалось в основном ограниченным историками, изучавшими Народную партию, но в 1954 году американский социолог Эдвард Шилс опубликовал статью, в которой предложил использовать популизм в качестве термина для более широкого описания антиэлитных тенденций в американском обществе. ^[31] После статьи Шилса в 1960-х годах термин «популизм» стал пользоваться все большей популярностью среди социологов и других ученых в области социальных наук . ^{[32] В 1967 году в}Лондонской школе экономики прошла конференция по популизму , участники которой не смогли прийти к единому четкому определению. ^[33] В результате этого научного интереса возникла академическая область, известная как «исследования популизма». ^[34] Интерес к предмету быстро рос: между 1950 и 1960 годами появилось около 160 публикаций о популизме, а между 1990 и 2000 годами их число превысило 1500. ^[34] С 2000 по 2015 год около 95 статей и книг, включающих термин «популизм», ежегодно каталогизировались Web of Science . В 2016 году их число выросло до 266, в 2017 году — до 488, а в 2018 году — до 615. ^[35] Таггарт утверждал, что этот академический интерес не был постоянным, а появлялся во «всплесках» исследований, которые отражали политические условия того времени. ^[36]

Канован отметила, что «если бы понятия популизма не существовало, ни один социолог не стал бы его намеренно изобретать; этот термин слишком двусмыслен для этого». ^[37] Изучив, как использовался термин «популизм», она предположила, что можно выделить семь различных типов популизма. Три из них были формами «аграрного популизма»; они включали радикализм фермеров, крестьянские движения и интеллектуальный аграрный социализм. Остальные четыре были формами «политического популизма», представляющими популистскую диктатуру, популистскую демократию, реакционный популизм и популизм политиков. ^[38] Она отметила, что это были «аналитические конструкции» и что «примеры из реальной жизни могут вполне перекрывать несколько категорий», ^[39] добавив, что ни одно политическое движение не вписывалось во все семь категорий. ^[40] Таким образом, Канован рассматривала популизм как семейство связанных понятий, а не как единое понятие само по себе. ^[41]

Путаница, окружающая этот термин, привела некоторых ученых к мысли, что от него следует отказаться в науке. ^[42] В противовес этой точке зрения политологи Кас Мудде и Кристобаль Ровира Кальтвассер заявили, что «хотя разочарование понятно, термин популизм слишком важен для дебатов о политике от Европы до Америки, чтобы просто от него избавиться». ^[43] Аналогичным образом Канован отметил, что этот термин «имеет сравнительно ясные и определенные значения в ряде специальных областей» и что он «дает указатель, пусть и шаткий, на интересную и в значительной степени неисследованную область политического и социального опыта». ^[20]

Политологи Даниэле Альбертацци и Дункан Макдоннелл считали, что «при тщательном определении термин «популизм» может быть использован с пользой для понимания и объяснения широкого круга политических деятелей». ^[22] Политолог Бен Стэнли отметил, что «хотя значение термина оказалось спорным в литературе, настойчивость, с которой он повторялся, предполагает существование по крайней мере неустранимого ядра: то есть, что он относится к отчетливой модели идей». ^[44] Политолог Дэвид Арт утверждает, что концепция популизма объединяет разрозненные явления бесполезным образом и в конечном итоге скрывает и легитимирует фигуры, которые более полно определяются как нативисты и авторитаристы. ^[45]

Хотя академические определения популизма различаются, большинство из них сосредоточены на идее, что он должен ссылаться на некоторую форму отношений между «народом» и «элитой» ^[46] , и что это влечет за собой принятие антиистеблишментской позиции. ^[47] Помимо этого, разные ученые подчеркивают разные черты, которые они хотят использовать для определения популизма. ^[48] Эти различия возникали как в рамках конкретных научных дисциплин, так и среди разных дисциплин, ^[49] различаясь, например, среди ученых, сосредоточенных на разных регионах и разных исторических периодах. ^[50]

Автор Томас Франк подверг критике распространенное использование термина «популизм» для обозначения крайне правого нативизма и расизма, отметив, что первоначальная Народная партия была относительно либеральной в отношении прав женщин и меньшинств по стандартам того времени. ^[51]

Набор данных V-Party оценивает популизм как антиэлитизм и народоцентризм. ^[52]

Идеациональное определение

Тонкоцентричная идеология, которая считает, что общество в конечном итоге разделено на два однородных и антагонистических лагеря: «чистый народ» и «коррумпированная элита», и которая утверждает, что политика должна быть выражением volonté générale ( общей воли ) народа.

Идеологическое определение популизма, используемое Мудде и Ровирой Кальтвассер ^[53]

Распространенный подход к определению популизма известен как идеационный подход. ^[54] Он подчеркивает идею о том, что популизм следует определять в соответствии с конкретными идеями, которые лежат в его основе, в отличие от определенной экономической политики или стилей руководства, которые могут демонстрировать политики-популисты. ^[55] В этом определении термин популизм применяется к политическим группам и лицам, которые обращаются к «народу», а затем противопоставляют эту группу «элите». ^[56]

Приняв этот подход, Альбертацци и Макдоннелл определяют популизм как идеологию, которая «противопоставляет добродетельный и однородный народ группе элит и опасных «других», которые вместе изображаются как лишающие (или пытающиеся лишить) суверенный народ его прав, ценностей, процветания, идентичности и голоса». ^[22] Аналогичным образом политолог Карлос де ла Торре определил популизм как «манихейский дискурс, который разделяет политику и общество как борьбу между двумя непримиримыми и антагонистическими лагерями: народом и олигархией или силовым блоком». ^[57]

В этом понимании, отмечают Мадде и Ровира Кальтвассер, «популизм всегда включает в себя критику истеблишмента и преклонение перед простыми людьми» ^[43] , а по словам Бена Стэнли, сам популизм является продуктом «антагонистических отношений» между «народом» и «элитой» и «латентно присутствует везде, где появляется возможность возникновения такой дихотомии». ^[58] Политолог Мануэль Ансельми предложил определять популизм как «однородное сообщество-народ», которое «воспринимает себя как абсолютного держателя народного суверенитета» и «выражает антиистеблишментскую позицию». ^[59] Такое понимание рассматривает популизм как дискурс, идеологию или мировоззрение. ^[43] Эти определения изначально использовались в основном в Западной Европе, хотя позже стали все более популярными в Восточной Европе и Америке. ^[43]

Согласно этому подходу, популизм рассматривается как «тонкая идеология» или «тонкоцентрированная идеология», которая сама по себе рассматривается как слишком несущественная, чтобы предоставить план для общественных изменений. Таким образом, он отличается от «толстоцентрированных» или «полных» идеологий, таких как фашизм , либерализм и социализм, которые предлагают более далеко идущие идеи о социальной трансформации. Как тонкоцентрированная идеология, популизм поэтому прикрепляется к толстой идеологии политиками-популистами. ^[60] Таким образом, популизм можно обнаружить слитым с формами национализма, либерализма, социализма, федерализма или консерватизма. ^[61] По словам Стэнли, «тонкость популизма гарантирует, что на практике он является дополнительной идеологией: он не столько пересекается, сколько рассеивается по всем полным идеологиям». ^[62]

Популизм, по словам Мадде и Ровиры Кальтвассера, является «своего рода ментальной картой, посредством которой индивиды анализируют и осмысливают политическую реальность». ^[63] Мадде отметил, что популизм «скорее моралистичен, чем программен». ^[64] Он поощряет бинарное мировоззрение, в котором все делятся на «друзей и врагов», причем последние рассматриваются не просто как люди, имеющие «разные приоритеты и ценности», но как принципиально «злые». ^[64] Подчеркивая свою чистоту против коррупции и безнравственности «элиты», от которой «народ» должен оставаться чистым и нетронутым, популизм препятствует компромиссу между различными группами. ^[64]

Невероятный рост исследований и дискуссий о популизме, как академических, так и социальных, в значительной степени обусловлен усилиями идеациональных ученых поставить в центр внимания значимость обращения к людям за пределами идеологических различий и концептуализировать популизм как дискурсивное явление. Тем не менее, подход идеациональной школы к популизму проблематичен из-за количества существенных предположений, которые она навязывает относительно того, как популизм на самом деле работает как дискурсивное явление, например, идея о том, что он имеет моральный регистр, что оправдания всегда относятся к однородному/чистому народу или что он формируется социально как идеология. ^[65]^[66]^[67] Эти предположения могут быть контрпродуктивными для изучения популизма, которое, как можно утверждать, стало чрезмерно концептуально дедуктивным. ^[68] Тем не менее, это не означает, что мы не можем прийти к более минимальному, формальному определению того, что такое популизм, которое может объединить ученых на основе консенсуса и открыть исследования для более широкого охвата, как указали Ставракакис и Де Клин ^[69], определив популизм как тип дискурса, «характеризующийся различием между народом и элитой и претензией говорить от имени «народа».»

Правые и левые

В результате различных идеологий, с которыми может сочетаться популизм, формы, которые может принимать популизм, сильно различаются. ^[70] Сам популизм не может быть помещен в лево-правый политический спектр , ^[71] и существуют как правый , так и левый популизм. ^[72] Популистские движения также могут смешивать разделения между левыми и правыми, например, комбинируя ксенофобские установки, обычно ассоциируемые с крайне правыми, с перераспределительной экономической политикой, более близкой к политике левых. ^[73]

Ядро [популизма] состоит из четырех отдельных, но взаимосвязанных концепций:
Существование двух однородных единиц анализа: «народ» и «элита».
Антагонистические отношения между народом и элитой.
Идея народного суверенитета.
Положительная оценка «народа» и принижение «элиты».

Идеациональное определение популизма, используемое Беном Стэнли ^[74]

Идеологии, с которыми может сочетаться популизм, могут быть противоречивыми, что приводит к различным формам популизма, которые могут противостоять друг другу. ^[63] Например, в Латинской Америке в 1990-х годах популизм часто ассоциировался с такими политиками, как Альберто Фухимори из Перу, который продвигал неолиберальную экономику, в то время как в 2000-х годах он ассоциировался с такими политиками, как Уго Чавес из Венесуэлы , который продвигал социалистические программы. ^[75] Помимо популистов левого и правого толка, популистские деятели, такие как Беппе Грилло из Италии, характеризовались как центристы и либералы , ^{[76] в то время как такие группы, как}Партия справедливости и развития Турции, описывались как сочетающие популизм с исламизмом , ^{[77] а}партия Бхаратия Джаната в Индии рассматривалась как смешивающая популизм с индуистским национализмом . ^[78] Хотя популисты разных идеологических традиций могут противостоять друг другу, они также могут формировать коалиции, как это было видно на примере греческого коалиционного правительства, объединившего левопопулистскую партию СИРИЗА и правопопулистскую партию « Независимые греки» в 2015 году. ^[79]

Сторонники идеационального определения также провели различие между левыми и правыми популистами. Последние представлены как противопоставляющие «народ» как «элите», так и дополнительной группе, которая также рассматривается как отдельная от «народа» и которую «элита» считает благосклонной, например, иммигранты, гомосексуалисты, путешественники или коммунисты. ^[80] Таким образом, популистские лидеры «имеют множество различных оттенков и размеров», но, по словам Мадде и Ровиры Кальтвассер, имеют один общий элемент: «тщательно созданный образ vox populi ». ^[81] Стэнли выразил мнение, что, хотя есть «определенные семейные сходства», которые можно увидеть между популистскими группами и отдельными лицами, не было «согласованной традиции», объединяющей их всех. ^[62] В то время как многие левые партии в начале 20-го века позиционировали себя как авангард пролетариата , к началу 21-го века левые популисты позиционировали себя как «голос народа» более широко. ^[82] В политической правой части популизм часто сочетается с национализмом, при этом «народ» и «нация» становятся довольно взаимозаменяемыми категориями в их дискурсе, ^[83] или сочетается с религией, где «народ» определяется на основе религии. ^[7] Некоторые политологи также утверждают, что популизм можно разделить на левые инклюзивные и правые исключающие формы, ^[84]^[85] хотя некоторые выступают против дихотомии между инклюзивными и исключающими формами, например, правые популисты приветствуют культурно близких мигрантов с транснациональной солидарностью. ^[85]

«Люди»

Популисты (утверждают, что) говорят от имени «угнетенных людей», и они хотят освободить их, заставив их осознать свое угнетение. Однако они не хотят менять свои ценности или свой «образ жизни». Это принципиально отличается от, например, (ранних) социалистов, которые хотели (хотели) «поднять рабочих», перевоспитав их, тем самым освободив их от «ложного сознания». Для популистов, с другой стороны, сознание людей, обычно называемое здравым смыслом, является основой всего хорошего (политики).

Политолог Кас Мадд ^[86]

Для популистов «народ» представляется как нечто однородное, ^[87] а также добродетельное. ^[88] Упрощая сложности реальности, концепция «народа» является расплывчатой и гибкой, ^[89] с этой пластичностью, выгодной популистам, которые таким образом могут «расширять или сужать» концепцию «в соответствии с выбранными критериями включения или исключения» в любой момент времени. ^[62] Используя концепцию «народа», популисты могут поощрять чувство общей идентичности среди различных групп в обществе и способствовать их мобилизации для общего дела. ^[89] Один из способов, которым популисты используют понимание «народа», заключается в идее, что «народ суверенен», что в демократическом государстве правительственные решения должны приниматься населением и что если их игнорировать, то оно может мобилизоваться или восстать. ^[90] Это то понимание «народа», которое использовалось в Соединенных Штатах в конце 19 века Народной партией и которое также использовалось более поздними популистскими движениями в этой стране. ^[90]

Второй способ, которым «народ» понимается популистами, объединяет социально-экономическую или классовую категорию с категорией, которая относится к определенным культурным традициям и народным ценностям. ^[90] Эта концепция стремится защитить достоинство социальной группы, которая считает себя угнетенной доминирующей «элитой», обвиняемой в том, что она относится к ценностям, суждениям и вкусам «народа» с подозрением или презрением. ^[90] Третий способ использования «народа» популистами заключается в том, что он используется как синоним «нации», независимо от того, понимается ли эта национальная общность в этническом или гражданском плане. В такой структуре все люди, считающиеся «коренными» в определенном государстве, либо по рождению, либо по этнической принадлежности, могут считаться частью «народа». ^[91]

И левые, и правые популисты... и те, и другие считают, что представительная демократия находится в плену у политических элит и влиятельных групп интересов. Однако правые популисты склонны выражать зависть тем, кто находится низко на социальной лестнице, отождествляя «особые интересы» с этническими или другими меньшинствами. Прогрессивные популисты, с другой стороны, завидуют тем, кто находится высоко на социальной лестнице, отождествляя «особые интересы» с влиятельными группами, такими как крупные корпорации.

Политолог Тицке Аккерман ^[92]

Популизм обычно подразумевает «прославление их как народа», по словам Стэнли. ^[93] Политолог Пол Таггарт предложил термин «сердцевина», чтобы лучше отразить то, что популисты часто имеют в виду в своей риторике. ^[94] По словам Таггарта, «сердцевина» была местом, «в котором, в популистском воображении, проживает добродетельное и единое население». ^[95] Кто является этим «сердцевиной», может варьироваться между популистами, даже в пределах одной страны. Например, в Великобритании центристская правоконсервативная партия считала « Среднюю Англию » своей сердцевиной, в то время как крайне правая Британская национальная партия считала «коренной британский народ» своей сердцевиной. ^[96] Мадд отметил, что для популистов «народ» «не является ни реальным, ни всеобъемлющим, а на самом деле является мифическим и сконструированным подмножеством всего населения». ^[96] Они представляют собой воображаемое сообщество, очень похожее на воображаемые сообщества, принятые и продвигаемые националистами. ^[96]

Популизм часто подразумевает представление «народа» как аутсайдера. ^[93] Популисты обычно стремятся показать «народу», как он угнетен. ^[96] При этом они не стремятся изменить «народ», а скорее стремятся сохранить его «образ жизни» в том виде, в котором он существует в настоящее время, считая его источником блага. ^[86] Для популистов образ жизни «народа» представляется как укорененный в истории и традициях и рассматриваемый как способствующий общественному благу. ^[97] Хотя лидеры-популисты часто представляют себя представителями «народа», они часто происходят из элитных слоев общества; такие примеры, как Берлускони, Фортейн и Хайдер, были хорошо связаны с политической и экономической элитой своей страны. ^[98]

Популизм также можно подразделить на «включающие» и «исключающие» формы, которые различаются по своим концепциям того, кем является «народ». Инклюзивный популизм имеет тенденцию определять «народ» более широко, принимая и защищая меньшинства и маргинализированные группы, в то время как исключающий популизм определяет «народ» в гораздо более строгом смысле, как правило, фокусируясь на определенной социокультурной группе и выступая против групп меньшинств. ^[99] Однако это не совсем чистая дихотомия — исключающие популисты все еще могут давать голос тем, кто чувствует себя маргинализированным политическим статус-кво, и включать меньшинства, если это выгодно, в то время как инклюзивные популисты могут значительно различаться по тому, насколько они на самом деле инклюзивны. Кроме того, все популизмы неявно исключающие, поскольку они определяют «народ» против «элиты», поэтому некоторые ученые утверждают, что разница между популизмами заключается не в том, исключает ли конкретный популизм, а в том, кого он исключает из своей концепции «народа». ^[100]^[101]^[102]^[103]

«Элита»

Владимир Мечиар из Словакии и Уго Чавес из Венесуэлы являются примерами популистов, которые были избраны на государственную должность, а затем были вынуждены изменить свои представления об «элите», чтобы соответствовать своему новому элитному статусу. ^[104]

Антиэлитизм широко считается центральной характерной чертой популизма, ^[105] хотя Мадде и Ровира Кальтвассер утверждали, что антиэлитизм сам по себе не является доказательством популизма. ^[106] Скорее, по словам Стэнли, в популистском дискурсе «фундаментальной отличительной чертой» «элиты» является то, что она находится в «конфронтационных отношениях» с «народом». ^[107] Определяя «элиту», популисты часто осуждают не только политический истеблишмент, но и экономическую элиту, культурную элиту, академическую элиту и элиту СМИ, которые они представляют как одну однородную, коррумпированную группу. ^[108] Например , в начале 21-го века в Индии популистская партия «Бхаратия Джаната Парти» обвинила доминирующую партию Индийский национальный конгресс , Коммунистическую партию Индии , НПО, академические круги и англоязычные СМИ в том, что все они являются частью «элиты». ^[109]

Действуя в либеральных демократиях, популисты часто осуждают доминирующие политические партии как часть «элиты», но в то же время не отвергают партийную политическую систему в целом, вместо этого либо призывая, либо заявляя, что они являются новым типом партии, отличной от других. ^[96] Осуждая почти всех тех, кто находится на властных позициях в данном обществе, популисты часто исключают как себя, так и тех, кто симпатизирует их делу, даже когда они тоже находятся на властных позициях. ^[104] Например, Партия свободы Австрии (FPÖ), правая популистская группа, регулярно осуждала «СМИ» в Австрии за защиту «элиты», но исключила из этого Kronen Zeitung , широко читаемый таблоид , который поддерживал FPÖ и ее лидера Йорга Хайдера . ^[104]

Когда популисты берут государственную власть, они сталкиваются с проблемой, поскольку теперь они представляют новую элиту. В таких случаях — как Чавес в Венесуэле и Владимир Мечьяр в Словакии — популисты сохраняют свою антисистемную риторику, внося изменения в свое понятие «элиты» в соответствии со своими новыми обстоятельствами, утверждая, что реальная власть принадлежит не правительству, а другим могущественным силам, которые продолжают подрывать популистское правительство и волю самого «народа». ^[104] В этих случаях популистские правительства часто концептуализируют «элиту» как тех, кто удерживает экономическую власть . ^[110] Например, в Венесуэле Чавес обвинил экономическую элиту в срыве его реформ, в то время как в Греции леворадикальный популистский премьер-министр Алексис Ципрас обвинил «лоббистов и олигархов Греции» в подрыве его администрации. ^[110] В популистских случаях, подобных этим, высказанные заявления имеют под собой некоторую основу в реальности, поскольку деловые интересы стремятся подорвать левоориентированные экономические реформы. ^[110]

Хотя левые популисты, которые сочетают популистские идеи с формами социализма, чаще всего представляют «элиту» в экономических терминах, ту же стратегию используют и некоторые правые популисты. ^[110] В Соединенных Штатах в конце 2000-х годов движение «Чаепитие » , которое позиционировало себя как защитника капиталистического свободного рынка , утверждало, что крупный бизнес и его союзники в Конгрессе стремятся подорвать свободный рынок и убить конкуренцию, подавляя малый бизнес. ^[110] Среди некоторых правых популистов 21-го века «элита» представлена как левые радикалы, приверженные политической корректности . ^[112] Голландский правый популистский лидер Пим Фортейн называл это «Церковью левых». ^[112]

В некоторых случаях, особенно в Латинской Америке и Африке, «элиты» понимаются не только в экономических, но и в этнических терминах, представляя то, что политологи назвали этнопопулизмом. ^[113] В Боливии, например, левый популистский лидер Эво Моралес противопоставил метисов и коренные «народы» подавляюще европейской «элите», ^[114] заявив, что «Мы, индейцы [т. е. коренные народы], являемся моральным резервом Латинской Америки». ^[111] В случае Боливии это не сопровождалось расово исключительным подходом, а попыткой построить панэтническую коалицию, включающую европейских боливийцев против в основном европейской боливийской элиты. ^[115] В Южной Африке популист Джулиус Малема представил чернокожих южноафриканцев как «народ», который он, по его словам, представляет, призывая к экспроприации земли, принадлежащей белому меньшинству, без компенсации. ^[116] В таких регионах, как Европа, где национальные государства более однородны в этническом отношении, этот этнопопулистский подход встречается редко, учитывая, что «народ» и «элита» обычно имеют одну и ту же этническую принадлежность. ^[111]

Для некоторых популистских лидеров и движений термин «элита» также относится к академическому или интеллектуальному учреждению и, как таковой, подразумевает ученых, интеллектуалов, экспертов или организованную науку в целом. ^[117] Такие лидеры и движения могут критиковать научное знание как абстрактное, бесполезное и идеологически предвзятое, и вместо этого требовать, чтобы здравый смысл , экспериментальное знание и практические решения были «истинным знанием». ^[118]^[119]

В различных случаях популисты утверждают, что «элита» действует против интересов страны. ^[110] Например, в Европейском союзе (ЕС) различные популистские группы утверждают, что их национальные политические элиты ставят интересы самого ЕС выше интересов своих собственных национальных государств. ^[110] Аналогичным образом, в Латинской Америке популисты часто обвиняют политические элиты в отстаивании интересов Соединенных Штатов выше интересов своих собственных стран. ^[120]

Еще одной распространенной тактикой среди популистов, особенно в Европе, является обвинение в том, что «элиты» ставят интересы иммигрантов выше интересов коренного населения. ^[114] Например, замбийский популист Майкл Сата занял ксенофобскую позицию во время своих кампаний, сосредоточив свою критику на азиатском меньшинстве страны, порицая китайцев и индийцев, владеющих предприятиями и шахтами. ^[121] В Индии правый популистский лидер Нарендра Моди сплотил сторонников против мусульманских мигрантов из Бангладеш, пообещав депортировать их. ^[122] В случаях, когда популисты также являются антисемитами (например, Jobbik в Венгрии и Attack в Болгарии), элиты обвиняются в том, что они отдают предпочтение израильским и более широким еврейским интересам, а не интересам национальной группы. Антисемитские популисты часто обвиняют «элиту» в том, что она также состоит из многих евреев. ^[114] Когда популисты подчеркивают этническую принадлежность как часть своего дискурса, «элиту» иногда можно представить как «этнических предателей». ^[93]

Генеральная воля

Третий компонент идеационального подхода к популизму — это идея общей воли, или volonté générale . ^[123] Пример такого популистского понимания общей воли можно увидеть в инаугурационной речи Чавеса 2007 года, когда он заявил, что «Все люди подвержены ошибкам и соблазнам, но не народ, который обладает в высшей степени сознанием своего собственного блага и мерой своей независимости. Благодаря этому его суждение чисто, его воля сильна, и никто не может развратить или даже угрожать ему». ^[124] Для популистов общая воля «народа» — это то, что должно иметь приоритет над предпочтениями «элиты». ^[125]

Как отметил Стэнли, популистская идея общей воли связана с идеями мажоритаризма и аутентичности. ^[125] Подчеркивая, как популисты апеллируют к идеалам «аутентичности и обыденности», он отметил, что для популистов важнее всего было «апеллировать к идее аутентичного народа» и развивать идею о том, что они являются «подлинными» представителями «народа». ^[93] При этом они часто подчеркивают свою физическую близость к «народу» и свою дистанцию от «элит». ^[93] Шери Берман отмечает, что хотя популисты часто занимаются демократической риторикой, они часто игнорируют или обесценивают нормы либеральной демократии, такие как свобода слова , свобода прессы , законная оппозиция, разделение властей и ограничения президентской власти . ^[3]

Подчеркивая общую волю, многие популисты разделяют критику представительного демократического правления, ранее высказанную французским философом Жан-Жаком Руссо . ^[126] Этот подход рассматривает представительное управление как аристократическую и элитарную систему, в которой граждане страны рассматриваются как пассивные сущности. Вместо того, чтобы выбирать законы для себя, эти граждане мобилизуются только на выборы, на которых их единственным вариантом является выбор своих представителей, а не принятие более прямой роли в законодательстве и управлении. ^[127] Популисты часто выступают за использование прямых демократических мер, таких как референдумы и плебисциты . ^[128] По этой причине Мадд и Ровира Кальтвассер предположили, что «можно утверждать, что между популизмом и прямой демократией существует избирательное сродство», ^[127] хотя Стэнли предупредил, что «поддержка прямой демократии не является существенным атрибутом популизма». ^[125] Популистские представления об «общей воле» и ее связях с популистскими лидерами обычно основываются на идее « здравого смысла ». ^[129]

Против элитарности и плюрализма

Стэнли отметил, что вместо того, чтобы ограничиваться исключительно популистами, апелляции к «народу» стали «неизбежным аспектом современной политической практики», при этом выборы и референдумы основывались на представлении о том, что «народ» решает исход. ^[74] Таким образом, критика идеационального определения популизма заключается в том, что оно становится слишком широким и потенциально может применяться ко всем политическим деятелям и движениям. Отвечая на эту критику, Мадде и Ровира Кальтвассер утверждали, что идеациональное определение допускало «непопулизм» в форме как элитаризма , так и плюрализма . ^[130]

Элитисты разделяют популистское бинарное разделение, но переворачивают ассоциации. В то время как популисты считают элиты плохими, а простых людей хорошими, элитисты считают «народ» вульгарным, безнравственным и опасным, а «элиты» — морально, культурно и интеллектуально превосходящими. ^[131] Элитисты хотят, чтобы политика была в значительной степени или полностью элитарным делом; некоторые — например, Франсиско Франко в Испании и Аугусто Пиночет в Чили — вообще отвергают демократию, в то время как другие — например, Хосе Ортега-и-Гассет в Испании и Йозеф Шумпетер в Австрии — поддерживают ограниченную модель демократии. ^[132]

Плюрализм отличается как от элитизма, так и от популизма тем, что отвергает любые дуалистические рамки, вместо этого рассматривая общество как широкий спектр пересекающихся социальных групп, каждая из которых имеет свои собственные идеи и интересы. ^[133] Плюралисты утверждают, что политическая власть не должна принадлежать какой-либо одной группе — будь то по признаку пола, этнической принадлежности, экономического положения или членства в политической партии — а должна быть распределена. Плюралисты поощряют управление посредством компромисса и консенсуса, чтобы отражать интересы как можно большего числа этих групп. ^[134] В отличие от популистов, плюралисты не верят, что существует такая вещь, как «общая воля». ^[135] Некоторые политики не стремятся демонизировать социальную элиту; например, многие консерваторы считают социальную элиту оплотом традиционного общественного порядка, в то время как некоторые либералы воспринимают социальную элиту как просвещенные законодательные и административные кадры. ^[107]

Другие определения

Определение популизма с точки зрения популярного агентства использует этот термин в отношении демократического образа жизни, который строится на народном участии населения в политической деятельности. В этом понимании популизм обычно воспринимается как позитивный фактор в мобилизации населения для развития коммунитарной формы демократии. ^[136] Такой подход к термину распространен среди историков в Соединенных Штатах и тех, кто изучал Народную партию конца 19 века . ^[136]

Определение популизма Лаклау, названное так в честь аргентинского политического теоретика Эрнесто Лаклау , который его разработал, использует этот термин в отношении того, что сторонники считают освободительной силой, которая является сутью политики. ^[136] В этой концепции популизма считается, что он мобилизует исключенные слои общества против доминирующих элит и изменения статус-кво. ^[136] Первоначально Лаклау делал акцент на классовых антагонизмах, возникающих между различными классами, хотя позже он изменил свою точку зрения, заявив, что популистские дискурсы могут возникнуть из любой части социально-институциональной структуры. ^[58] Для Лаклау социализм был «высшей формой популизма». [ ^137] Его понимание темы во многом основывалось на его сосредоточенности на политике в Латинской Америке. ^[138] Это определение популярно среди критиков либеральной демократии и широко используется в критических исследованиях и в исследованиях западноевропейской и латиноамериканской политики. ^[136] Гарри С. Бойт, например, определил популизм как «политику гражданского участия», которая «развивает силу «народа» формировать свою судьбу», в качестве примеров приводя как русских народников, так и южноафриканское Движение черного самосознания . ^[139]

Социально-экономическое определение популизма применяет этот термин к тому, что оно считает безответственной формой экономической политики, посредством которой правительство участвует в периоде огромных государственных расходов, финансируемых за счет иностранных займов, после чего страна впадает в гиперинфляцию , и затем вводятся жесткие экономические корректировки. ^[140] Такое использование термина использовалось такими экономистами, как Рудигер Дорнбуш и Джеффри Сакс , и было особенно популярно среди ученых, изучающих Латинскую Америку в 1980-х и 1990-х годах. ^[136] С тех пор это определение продолжало использоваться некоторыми экономистами и журналистами, особенно в США, но было необычно среди других социальных наук . ^[141] Это определение основано на сосредоточении внимания на социалистических и других левых формах популизма; оно не применяется к другим группам, обычно понимаемым как популистские, которые заняли правые позиции по экономическим вопросам. ^[142]

Дополнительная структура была описана как «политико-стратегический» подход. ^[142] Это применяет термин популизм к политической стратегии, в которой харизматичный лидер стремится управлять на основе прямой и непосредственной связи со своими последователями. ^[143] Курт Вейланд определил эту концепцию популизма как «политическую стратегию, посредством которой персоналистский лидер стремится или осуществляет государственную власть на основе прямой, непосредственной, неинституционализированной поддержки большого числа в основном неорганизованных последователей». ^[144] Это определение термина, которое популярно среди ученых не-западных обществ. ^[141] Сосредоточившись на лидерстве, эта концепция популизма не допускает существования популистских партий или популистских социальных движений; ^[142] согласно этому определению, например, Народная партия США, которая первой изобрела термин популизм, не могла считаться популистской. ^[145] Мадд предположил, что хотя идея лидера, имеющего прямой доступ к «народу», была распространенным элементом среди популистов, ее лучше всего рассматривать как черту, которая способствует, а не определяет популизм. ^[146]

In popular discourse, populism is sometimes used in a negative sense in reference to politics which involves promoting extremely simple solutions to complex problems in a highly emotional manner.^[147] Mudde suggested that this definition "seems to have instinctive value" but was difficult to employ empirically because almost all political groups engage in sloganeering and because it can be difficult to differentiate an argument made emotionally from one made rationally.^[147] Mudde thought that this phenomenon was better termed demagogy rather than populism.^[46] Another use of the term in popular discourse is to describe opportunistic policies designed to quickly please voters rather than deciding a more rational course of action.^[147] Examples of this would include a governing political party lowering taxes before an election or promising to provide things to the electorate which the state cannot afford to pay for.^[148] Mudde suggested that this phenomenon is better described as opportunism rather than populism.^[147]

Another way of defining populism is by defining it as a political style. Moffitt states that political style can be defined as “the repertoires of embodied, symbolically mediated performance made to audiences that are used to create and navigate the fields of power that comprise the political, stretching from the domain of government through to everyday life.” This definition acknowledges that populism includes both rhetorical aspects such as gestures and body language, spoken language, argumentation while also acknowledging that populism includes aesthetic aspects such as fashion, self-presentation, images, and designs. This definition also acknowledges that political performances are constructed. Moffitt argues that an ideational approach doesn’t include the emphasis of performative elements while political style does. In addition, populism cannot be considered an ideology because it doesn’t consist of specific ideas or ideals related to economic or political theory and policy. Populism as a political style is only concerned with the way that political ideas are presented and performed. According to Moffitt, this is why populism can appear across a number of different ideological spectrums on the left and right. Populism has no political ideology; it is only a political style.^[149]

Moffitt notes that populism as a political style has certain features which define it. The first of these features is ‘the People’ versus ‘the Elite’. Moffitt acknowledges that the “dichotomic division of society between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’” is one of the most popular definitions of populism but is only one of the features of populism as a political style. The second feature of populism as a political style is the use of ‘bad manners’. ‘Bad manners’ consists of, “slang, swearing, political incorrectness, and being over demonstrative and ‘colorful’, as opposed to the ‘high’ behaviors of rigidness, rationality, composure and use of technocratic language.” The third feature of populism as a political style is crisis, breakdown, or threat. This is the exigence that populists use. Moffitt writes that, “Crises are often related to the breakdown between citizens and their representatives, but can also be related to immigration, economic difficulties, perceived injustice, military threat, social change or other issues.” This performance relates to a distrust of deliberation, negotiation, consultations, reviews, reports, and the complicated nature of designing policy solutions.^[149]

There are multiple implications for populism being understood as a political style. The first implication that Moffitt points out is that populism as a political style allows people to understand why populism doesn’t adhere to the common left/right ideological spectrum. Populism is not a political ideology; it is just a way to present ideas through both rhetorical and aesthetic aspects. In addition, populism as a political style means that populism no longer has to be conceptualized as a binary category but can instead be conceptualized as a gradational concept. This means that populist actors can, depending on the time, be more or less populist. However, this means that there has to be an opposite political style to populism. Moffitt notes that the opposing political style to populism is a technocratic political style. In contrast with appeal to ‘the people’ vs. ‘the elite’, ‘bad manners’, and the exigence of a crisis, breakdown threat, the technocratic political style emphasizes appeal to expertise, ‘good manners’, and stability and progress. This distinction between these two political styles allows political actors to be plotted on a scale rather than being seen as populist or not. It also allows for the scale to be adjusted in relation to different political elections in different years due to the fact that populists might not always utilize the populist political style to the same extent as they did in years prior.^[149]

Demand-side factors

One area of debate in explaining populism is whether its main cause is based in the needs of citizens (demand-side explanations) or in the failures of governments (supply-side explanations).^[150] In focusing on the changing grievances or demands of citizens, demand-side explanations can be seen as bottom-up explanations, while supply-side explanations, in focusing on political actors and institutions, can be seen as top-down explanations.^[3] Various demand-side factors have been claimed to make it more likely that individuals will support populist ideas.^[151] Economists and political economists often emphasize the importance of economic concerns while political scientists and sociologists often emphasize sociocultural concerns in their analysis of demand-side factors.^[3]

Economic grievance

The economic grievance thesis argues that economic factors, such as deindustrialisation, economic liberalisation, and deregulation, are causing the formation of a 'left-behind' precariat with low job security, high inequality, and wage stagnation, who then support populism.^[152]^[153] Some theories only focus on the effect of economic crises,^[154] or inequality.^[155] Another objection for economic reasons is due to the globalization that is taking place in the world today. In addition to criticism of the widening inequality caused by the elite, the widening inequality among the general public caused by the influx of immigrants and other factors due to globalization is also a target of populist criticism.

The evidence of increasing economic disparity and volatility of family incomes is clear, particularly in the United States, as shown by the work of Thomas Piketty and others.^[3]^[156]^[157] Commentators such as Martin Wolf emphasize the importance of economics.^[158] They warn that such trends increase resentment and make people susceptible to populist rhetoric. Evidence for this is mixed. At the macro level, political scientists report that xenophobia, anti-immigrant ideas, and resentment towards out-groups tend to be higher during difficult economic times.^[3]^[159] Economic crises have been associated with gains by far-right political parties.^[160]^[161] However, there is little evidence at the micro- or individual level to link individual economic grievances and populist support.^[3]^[152] Populist politicians tend to put pressure on central bank independence.^[162]

Modernisation

The modernisation losers theory argues that certain aspects of transition to modernity have caused demand for populism.^[163] Some arguments rely on the belief that anomie has followed industrialisation and resulted in "dissolution, fragmentation and differentiation", weakening the traditional ties of civil society, and increasing individualization.^[164] Populism offers a broad identity which gives sovereignty to the previously marginalized masses as "the people".^[165] However, empirical studies suggest that supporters of radical right-wing populism occur across the social spectrum, and are not more likely to appear in groups defined as "modernisation losers".^[166]

Cultural backlash

Other theories argue that grievances have a primarily sociocultural rather than an economic basis.^[3] For example, the cultural backlash thesis argues that right-wing populism is reaction to the rise of postmaterialism in many developed countries, including the spread of feminism, multiculturalism, and environmentalism.^[167] According to this view, the spread of ideas and values through a society challenges accepted norms until society reaches a 'tipping point', which causes a reaction, in this case support for right-wing populism.^[167] Some theories limit this argument to being a reaction to just the increase of ethnic diversity from immigration.^[168] Such theories are particularly popular with sociologists and with political scientists studying industrial world and American politics.^[3]

The empiric studies testing this theory have produced highly contradicting results.^[168]At the micro- or individual level, there are strong connections between individual positions on sociocultural issues (such as immigration policy and "racial animus") and right-wing populist voting. However, at the macro level, studies have not shown clear relationships between measures of populist sentiment in countries and actual right-wing party support.^[3]

However, there is strong evidence from political scientists and political psychologists documenting the influence of group-based identity threats on voters. Those who identify as part of a group and perceive it as being under threat are likely to support political actors who promise to protect the status and identity of their group.^[169]^[170] While such research often focuses on white identity, results apply broadly to other social groups that perceive themselves to be under threat.^[171]^[172]

Recent democratization

The length of time since a country has been democratized has also been linked to its potential for populist success. This is claimed to be because younger democracies have less established political parties and weaker liberal democratic norms.^[173] For example, populist success in Eastern Europe has been linked to the legacy of communism.^[174] However, this explanation suffers from the lack of success of populism in most post-communist countries.^[168]

Supply-side factors

Supply-side explanations focus on political actors and institutions and the ways in which governments may fail to respond to the changing conditions that affect citizens. Economic, social, and other structural trends are seen as being modified by institutions as they determine political outcomes. In this view, citizens turn to populism when governments do not respond effectively to the challenges they and their citizens face.^[3]^[175] Research supports the idea that populism is more likely to thrive when mainstream parties on the center-left and center-right do not address important contemporary issues and do not offer clear alternatives to voters. Coalitions that blur distinctions on positions are also likely to increase populism.^[3]

Economic and/or social changes alone are not problems—they only cause citizens to become angry, resentful, and susceptible to the appeal of populists if established mainstream politicians, parties, and governments fail to recognize and respond to them.

Sheri Berman^[3]

In Political Order in Changing Societies (1968), Samuel P. Huntington argues that rapid change (social or economic) in a society will increase the demands of its citizens. Unless political institutions are responsive and effective, they are unlikely to respond to and satisfy such demands. If political systems are weak or have become unresponsive over time, then dissatisfaction, political disorder and even violence become more likely. Political institutions that do not respond to social and economic changes are likely to fail. Responsive political systems can adapt to more severe challenges than unresponsive ones. Huntington's ideas grew out of work on Third World countries, but are also applicable to advanced industrial countries.^[176]

In a supply-side view of American politics, populism can be seen as a symptom of institutional decay. It can be suggested that political factors such as gerrymandering, the Electoral College, special-interest lobbying and dark money, are distorting political and economic debate, and decreasing the ability of the government to respond to the concerns of large numbers of citizens. This in turn generates dissatisfaction, which may increase the likelihood that citizens will support populism. Scholars studying the European Union have suggested that European integration may have had the undesired effect of decreasing the system's responsiveness to voters, as law and policy-making increasingly became the responsibility of the European Union. This too may have increased support for populism.^[3] Institutions such as the European Central Bank may also distance decision-making from electoral power.^[177] It has been argued that political parties themselves have become disconnected from society, and unable to respond to citizen's concerns.^[178]

Voluntarism

Another underlying debate in discussions of populism is the comparison of structural and voluntarist approaches. Voluntarist or agency-based explanations focus on the behaviors of politicians and parties, including populists themselves.^[3]

An important area of research is the examination of how parties develop, and how responses to new parties shape them. Successful politicians and parties shape the formation of agendas, identifying and increasing the salience of issues which they believe will benefit them.^[3]

Established parties may adopt various strategies when a new party appears: dismissive, adversarial, or accommodative. A dismissive strategy such as ignoring a party and its issue(s) can only be effective if the issue involved is unimportant or short-lived. Otherwise, dismissing an issue leaves ownership of the issue with the new party and allows them to attract any voters who see the issue as important. In an adversarial response, a mainstream party directly engages over an issue, emphasizing their opposition to the new party's position. This increases the issue's visibility, makes it a focus of ongoing political debate, and can reinforce the new party's ownership of it.^[179]^[180]

An adversarial response can be to the benefit of a mainstream party if most voters, or at least the mainstream party's voters, disagree with the new party's position and are unlikely to ally with it as a result. An accommodative strategy is to move the mainstream party closer to the position advocated by the new party, in hopes of retaining voters who care about the issue. This works best if adopted early, before a new party is heavily identified with an issue. If an issue is important, long-lived and of strong interest to its supporters, a mainstream party can benefit from quickly shifting its position to one closer to the new party.^[179]^[180]

Similarly, a populist party with neo-fascist or antidemocratic roots may be able to increase its support by moderating its views to a milder form of its original position (e.g. from neofascist to xenophobic.) Right-wing populists are more effective in mobilizing voters around issues when mainstream parties ignore the issue or offer alternatives that are not aligned with voter opinions. They are also more likely to benefit from emphasizing social and cultural issues such as immigration and race, appealing to voters who are positioned economically towards the left-wing but hold socially conservative views.^[3]

Mobilisation

There are three forms of political mobilisation which populists have adopted: that of the populist leader, the populist political party, and the populist social movement.^[181] The reasons why voters are attracted to populists differ, but common catalysts for the rise of populists include dramatic economic decline or a systematic corruption scandal that damages established political parties.^[182] For instance, the Great Recession of 2007 and its impact on the economies of southern Europe was a catalyst for the rise of Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain, while the Mani pulite corruption scandal of the early 1990s played a significant part in the rise of the Italian populist Silvio Berlusconi.^[182]

Another catalyst for the growth of populism is a widespread perception among voters that the political system is unresponsive to them.^[183] This can arise when elected governments introduce policies that are unpopular with their voters but which are implemented because they are considered to be "responsible" or imposed by supranational organisations. In Latin America, for example, many countries passed unpopular economic reforms under pressure from the International Monetary Fund and World Bank while in Europe, many countries in the European Union were pushed to implement unpopular economic austerity measures by the union's authorities.^[184] Decentralisation of political power is a very useful tool for populists to use to their benefit, this is because it allows them to speak more directly to the people of whom they seek to gain attention and votes.^[185]

Leaders

Populism is often associated with charismatic and dominant leaders,^[186] and the populist leader is, according to Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, "the quintessential form of populist mobilization".^[187] These individuals campaign and attract support on the basis of their own personal appeal.^[187] Their supporters then develop a perceived personal connection with the leader.^[187] For these leaders, populist rhetoric allows them to claim that they have a direct relationship with "the people",^[188] and in many cases they claim to be a personification of "the people" themselves,^[189] presenting themselves as the vox populi or "voice of the people".^[190] Hugo Chávez for instance stated: "I demand absolute loyalty to me. I am not an individual, I am the people."^[191] Populist leaders can also present themselves as the saviour of the people because of their perceived unique talents and vision, and in doing so can claim to be making personal sacrifices for the good of the people.^[61] Because loyalty to the populist leader is thus seen as representing loyalty to the people, those who oppose the leader can be branded "enemies of the people".^[192]

The overwhelming majority of populist leaders have been men,^[187] although there have been various females occupying this role.^[193] Most of these female populist leaders gained positions of seniority through their connections to previously dominant men; Eva Perón was the wife of Juan Perón, Marine Le Pen the daughter of Jean-Marie Le Pen, Keiko Fujimori the daughter of Alberto Fujimori, and Yingluck Shinawatra the sister of Thaksin Shinawatra.^[194]

Rhetorical styles

Populist leaders often play on gendered stereotypes. US-based Sarah Palin portrayed a maternal image as a "mama grizzly";^[195] Italy's Silvio Berlusconi boasted of his sexual virility.^[196]

Canovan noted that populists often used "colourful and undiplomatic language" to distinguish themselves from the governing elite.^[197] In Africa, several populist leaders have distinguished themselves by speaking in indigenous languages rather than either French or English.^[198] Populist leaders often present themselves as people of action rather than people of words, talking of the need for "bold action" and "common sense solutions" to issues which they call "crises".^[196] Male populist leaders often express themselves using simple and sometimes vulgar language in an attempt to present themselves as "the common man" or "one of the boys" to add to their populist appeal.^[199]

An example of this is Umberto Bossi, the leader of the right-wing populist Italian Lega Nord, who at rallies would state "the League has a hard-on" while putting his middle-finger up as a sign of disrespect to the government in Rome.^[200] Another recurring feature of male populist leaders is the emphasis that they place on their own virility.^[196] An example of this is the Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, who bragged about his bunga bunga sex parties and his ability to seduce young women.^[196] Among female populist leaders, it is more common for them to emphasise their role as a wife and mother.^[195] The US right-wing populist Sarah Palin for instance referred to herself as a "hockey mom" and a "mama grizzly",^[195] while Australian right-wing populist Pauline Hanson stated that "I care so passionately about this country, it's like I'm its mother. Australia is my home and the Australian people are my children."^[195]

Populist leaders typically portray themselves as outsiders who are separate from the "elite". Female populist leaders sometimes reference their gender as setting them apart from the dominant "old boys' club",^[201] while in Latin America a number of populists, such as Evo Morales and Alberto Fujimori, emphasised their non-white ethnic background to set them apart from the white-dominated elite.^[202] Other populists have used clothing to set them apart.^[198] In South Africa, the populist Julius Malema and members of his Economic Freedom Fighters attended parliament dressed as miners and workers to distinguish themselves from the other politicians wearing suits.^[198] In instances where wealthy business figures promote populist sentiments, such as Ross Perot, Thaksin Shinawatra, or Berlusconi, it can be difficult to present themselves as being outside the elite, however this is achieved by portraying themselves as being apart from the political, if not the economic elite, and portraying themselves as reluctant politicians.^[203]Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser noted that "in reality, most populist leaders are very much part of the national elite", typically being highly educated, upper-middle class, middle-aged males from the majority ethnicity.^[204]

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser suggested that "true outsiders" to the political system are rare, although cited instances like Venezuela's Chávez and Peru's Fujimori.^[205] More common is that they are "insider-outsiders", strongly connected to the inner circles of government but not having ever been part of it.^[206] The Dutch right-wing populist Geert Wilders had for example been a prominent back-bench MP for many years before launching his populist Party for Freedom,^[194] while in South Africa, Malema had been leader of the governing African National Congress (ANC) youth league until he was expelled, at which he launched his own populist movement.^[207] Only a few populist leaders are "insiders", individuals who have held leading roles in government prior to portraying themselves as populists.^[208] One example is Thaksin Shinawatra, who was twice deputy prime minister of Thailand before launching his own populist political party;^[208] another is Rafael Correa, who served as the Ecuadorean finance minister before launching a left-wing populist challenge.^[194]

Some populist leaders give their name to wider populist political movements; examples include the Peronism of Juan Perón or the Fortuynism of Pim Fortuyn.

Populist leaders are sometimes also characterised as strongmen or—in Latin American countries—as caudillos.^[209] In a number of cases, such as Argentina's Perón or Venezuela's Chávez, these leaders have military backgrounds which contribute to their strongman image.^[209]Other populist leaders have also evoked the strongman image without having a military background; these include Italy's Berlusconi, Slovakia's Mečiar, and Thailand's Thaksin Shinawatra.^[209]Populism and strongmen are not intrinsically connected, however; as stressed by Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, "only a minority of strongmen are populists and only a minority of populists is a strongman".^[209] Rather than being populists, many strongmen—such as Spain's Francisco Franco—were elitists who led authoritarian administrations.^[209]

In most cases, these populist leaders built a political organisation around themselves, typically a political party, although in many instances these remain dominated by the leader.^[210] These individuals often give a populist movement its political identity, as is seen with movements like Fortuynism in the Netherlands, Peronism in Argentina, Berlusconism in Italy and Chavismo in Venezuela.^[187] Populist mobilisation is not however always linked to a charismatic leadership.^[211] Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser suggested that populist personalist leadership was more common in countries with a presidential system rather than a parliamentary one because these allow for the election of a single individual to the role of head of government without the need for an accompanying party.^[212] Examples where a populist leader has been elected to the presidency without an accompanying political party have included Peron in Argentina, Fujimori in Peru, and Correa in Ecuador.^[212]

Media

A subset of populism which deals with the use of media by politicians is called "media populism".^[213]^[214]^[215]

Populist leaders often use the media in order to mobilize their support.^[216] In Latin America, there is a long tradition of using mass media as a way for charismatic leaders to directly communicate with the poorly educated masses, first by radio and then by television.^[217] The former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had a weekly show called Aló Presidente, which according to historian Enrique Krauze gave some Venezuelans "at least the appearance of contact with power, through his verbal and visual presence, which may be welcomed by people who have spent most of their lives being ignored."^[218]

The media has also been argued to have helped populists in countries of other regions by giving exposure to the most controversial politicians for commercial reasons.^[219] Donald Trump was claimed to have received $5 billion worth of free coverage during his 2016 campaign.^[220] Tabloids are often stereotyped as presenting a platform for populist politics due to their tendency toward melodrama, infotainment, and conflict, and thus provide support for populist parties.^[221] Examples of this have been the support given by Kronen Zeitung to the Austrian Freedom Party and the Berlusconi-owned presses' support for Italy's National Alliance in the mid-1990s.^[221] Based on his analysis of Dutch and British media, Tjitske Akkerman however argued that tabloids were no more prone to populism than the quality press.^[222]

In the 21st century, populists have increasingly used social media to bypass the mainstream media and directly approach their target audiences.^[223] In earlier periods, before radio, thought "mass media" newspapers tended to operate more like social media than modern newspapers, publishing local gossip and with little fact-checking; the expansion of newspapers to rural areas of the United States in the early twentieth century increased support for populist parties and positions.^[224] It has been claimed that while traditional media, acting as so-called 'gatekeepers', filter the messages that they broadcast through journalistic norms, social media permits a 'direct linkage' from political actors to potential audiences.^[225] It has been claimed that the use of Twitter helped Donald Trump win the US presidency,^[226] while the same has been claimed regarding the use of YouTube by the Jair Bolsonaro 2018 presidential campaign.^[227]

Electoral systems

Political systems with low political efficacy or high wasted votes can contribute to populism.^[228] Populist leaders have been claimed to be more successful in presidential systems. This is because such systems give advantage to charismatic populist leaders, especially when institutionalized parties are weak.^[229] This is especially the case in two-round systems, because outsiders who might not win most votes in the first round of voting might be able to do so when faced against a mainstream candidate in the second round.^[230] This has been claimed to be evident in the 1990 Peruvian general election won by Alberto Fujimori, who lost on the first round.^[230] Furthermore, Juan José Linz has argued that the direct relationship between the president and the electorate fosters a populist perception of the president as representing the whole people and their opponents as resisting the popular will.^[231]

Political parties

Another form of mobilisation is through populist political parties. Populists are not generally opposed to political representation, but merely want their own representatives, those of "the people", in power.^[232] In various cases, non-populist political parties have transitioned into populist ones;^[233] the elitist Socialist Unity Party of Germany, a Marxist–Leninist group which governed East Germany, later transitioned after German re-unification into a populist party, The Left.^[234] In other instances, such as the Austrian FPÖ and Swiss SVP, a non-populist party can have a populist faction which later takes control of the whole party.^[235]

In some examples where a political party has been dominated by a single charismatic leader, the latter's death has served to unite and strengthen the party, as with Argentina's Justicialist Party after Juan Perón's death in 1974, or the United Socialist Party of Venezuela after Chávez's death in 2013.^[236] In other cases, a populist party has seen one strong centralising leader replace another, as when Marine Le Pen replaced her father Jean-Marie as the leader of the National Front in 2011, or when Heinz-Christian Strache took over from Haider as chair of the Freedom Party of Austria in 2005.^[237]

Many populist parties achieve an electoral breakthrough but then fail to gain electoral persistence, with their success fading away at subsequent elections.^[238] In various cases, they are able to secure regional strongholds of support but with little support elsewhere in the country; the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ) for instance gained national representation in the Austrian parliament solely because of its strong support in Carinthia.^[238] Similarly, the Belgian Vlaams Belang party has its stronghold in Antwerp, while the Swiss People's Party has its stronghold in Zürich.^[238]

Social movements

An additional form is that of the populist social movement.^[239] Populist social movements are comparatively rare, as most social movements focus on a more restricted social identity or issue rather than identifying with "the people" more broadly.^[232] However, after the Great Recession of 2007 a number of populist social movements emerged, expressing public frustrations with national and international economic systems. These included the Occupy movement, which originated in the US and used the slogan "We are the 99%", and the Spanish Indignados movement, which employed the motto: "real democracy now—we are not goods in the hands of politicians and bankers".^[240]

Few populist social movements survive for more than a few years, with most examples, like the Occupy movement, petering out after their initial growth.^[236] In some cases, the social movement fades away as a strong leader emerges from within it and moves into electoral politics.^[236] An example of this can be seen with the India Against Corruption social movement, from which emerged Arvind Kejriwal, who founded the Aam Aadmi Party ("Common Man Party").^[236] Another is the Spanish Indignados movement which appeared in 2011 before spawning the Podemos party led by Pablo Iglesias Turrión.^[241] These populist social movements can exert a broader societal impact which results in populist politicians emerging to prominence; the Tea Party and Occupy movements that appeared in the US during the late 2000s and early 2010s have been seen as an influence on the rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders as prominent figures in the mid-2010s.^[242]

Some populist leaders have sought to broaden their support by creating supporter groups within the country. Chavez, for instance, ordered the formation of Bolivarian Circles, Communal Councils, Urban Land Committees, and Technical Water Roundtables across Venezuela.^[243] These could improve political participation among poorer sectors of Venezuelan society, although also served as networks through which the state transferred resources to those neighbourhoods which produced high rates of support for Chavez government.^[243]

Other themes

Democracy

Populism is a flexible term as it can be seen to exist in both democracies as well as authoritarian regimes.^[244] There have been intense debates about the relationship between populism and democracy.^[245] Some regard populism as being an intrinsic danger to democracy; others regard it as the only "true" form of democracy.^[246] Populists often present themselves as "true democrats".^[61] It could be argued that populism is democratic as it allows voters to remove governments they do not approve via the ballot box because voting is an essential value for a state to be considered a democracy.^[247] Albertazzi and McDonnell stated that populism and democracy were "inextricably linked",^[248] the political scientist Manuel Anselmi described populism as being "deeply connected with democracy",^[249] and March suggested that populism represented a "critique of democracy, not an alternative to it".^[250] Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser write that "In a world that is dominated by democracy and liberalism, populism has essentially become an illiberal democratic response to undemocratic liberalism."^[251] Adamidis argues that the effect of populism on democracy can be measured by reference to its impact on the democratic legal systems and, in particular, to the changes it effects on their rule of recognition.^[252]^[253]

Populism can serve as a democratic corrective by contributing to the mobilisation of social groups who feel excluded from political decision making.^[254] It can also raise awareness among the socio-political elites of popular concerns in society, even if it makes the former uncomfortable.^[255] When some populists have taken power—most notably, Chávez in Venezuela—they have enhanced the use of direct democracy through the regular application of referendums.^[256] For this reason, some democratic politicians have argued that they need to become more populist: René Cuperus of the Dutch Labour Party for instance called for social democracy to become "more 'populist' in a leftist way" in order to engage with voters who felt left behind by cultural and technological change.^[250]

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser argued that "populism is essentially democratic, but at odds with liberal democracy," since populism is based on putting into effect "the will of the people". It is therefore majoritarian in nature, and opposed to the safeguarding of minority rights, which is a defining feature of liberal democracy.^[258] Populism also undermines the tenets of liberal democracy by rejecting notions of pluralism and the idea that anything, including constitutional limits, should constrain the "general will" of "the people".^[259] In this, populist governance can lead to what the liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill described as the "tyranny of the majority".^[250]

Populists tend to view democratic institutions as alienating,^[260] and in practice, populists operating in liberal democracies have often criticised the independent institutions designed to protect the fundamental rights of minorities, particularly the judiciary and the media.^[261] Berlusconi for instance criticised the Italian judiciary for defending the rights of communists.^[261] In countries like Hungary, Ecuador, and Venezuela, populist governments have curtailed the independent media.^[262] Minorities have often suffered as a result. In Europe in particular, ethnic minorities have had their rights undermined by populism, while in Latin America it is political opposition groups who have been undermined by populist governments.^[263]

In several instances—such as Orban in Hungary—the populist leader has set the country on a path of de-democratisation by changing the constitution to centralise increasing levels of power in the head of government.^[257] A December 2018 study of 46 populist leaders argued that populists, regardless of their position on the political spectrum, were more likely to damage democratic institutions, erode checks and balances on the executive branch, cause democratic backsliding and attack individual rights than non-populists.^[264]In contrast, an analysis of the V-Party Dataset demonstrates moderate levels of populism are not necessarily antidemocratic, only high levels of populism are related to higher autocratization.^[52]

Even when not elected into office, populist parties can have an impact in shaping the national political agenda; in Western Europe, parties like the French National Front and Danish People's Party did not generally get more than 10 or 20% of the national vote, but mainstream parties shifted their own policies to meet the populist challenge.^[265]

Mainstream responses

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser suggested that to deflate the appeal of populism, those government figures found guilty of corruption need to be seen to face adequate punishment.^[266] They also argued that stronger rule of law and the elimination of systemic corruption were also important facets in preventing populist growth.^[267] They believed that mainstream politicians wishing to reduce the populist challenge should be more open about the restrictions of their power, noting that those who backed populist movements were often frustrated with the dishonesty of established politicians who "claim full agency when things go well and almost full lack of agency when things go wrong".^[268] They also suggested that the appeal of populism could be reduced by wider civic education in the values of liberal democracy and the relevance of pluralism.^[268]

What Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser believed was ineffective was a full-frontal attack on the populists which presented "them" as "evil" or "foolish", for this strategy plays into the binary division that populists themselves employ.^[251] In their view, "the best way to deal with populism is to engage—as difficult as it is—in an open dialogue with populist actors and supporters" in order to "better understand the claims and grievances of the populist elites and masses and to develop liberal democratic responses to them".^[269]

In trying to win over populist supporters, and perhaps even some elites, liberal democrats should avoid both simplistic solutions that pander to "the people" and elitist discourses that dismiss the moral and intellectual competence of ordinary citizens – both will only strengthen the populists. Most importantly, given that populism often asks the right questions but provides the wrong answers, the ultimate goal should be not just the destruction of populist supply, but also the weakening of populist demand. Only the latter will actually strengthen liberal democracy.

Political scientists Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser^[269]

Mainstream politicians have sometimes sought to co-operate or build alliances with populists. In the United States, for example, various Republican Party figures aligned themselves with the Tea Party movement, while in countries such as Finland and Austria populist parties have taken part in governing coalitions.^[270] In other instances, mainstream politicians have adopted elements of a populist political style while competing against populist opponents.^[271] Various mainstream centrist figures, such as Hillary Clinton and Tony Blair, have argued that governments needed to restrict migration to hinder the appeal of right-wing populists utilising anti-immigrant sentiment in elections.^[272]^[273]

A more common approach has been for mainstream parties to openly attack the populists and construct a cordon sanitaire to prevent them from gaining political office ^[270] Once populists are in political office in liberal democracies, the judiciary can play a key role in blocking some of their more illiberal policies, as has been the case in Slovakia and Poland.^[274] The mainstream media can play an important role in blocking populist growth; in a country like Germany, the mainstream media is for instant resolutely anti-populist, opposing populist groups whether left or right.^[274]Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser noted that there was an "odd love-hate relationship between populist media and politicians, sharing a discourse but not a struggle".^[275]

In certain countries, certain mainstream media outlets have supported populist groups; in Austria, the Kronen Zeitung played a prominent role in endorsing Haider, in the United Kingdom the Daily Express supported the UK Independence Party, while in the United States, Fox News gave much positive coverage and encouragement to the Tea Party movement.^[274] In some cases, when the populists have taken power, their political rivals have sought to violently overthrow them; this was seen in the 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt, when mainstream groups worked with sectors of the military to unseat Hugo Chávez's government.^[270]

Another discursive strategy of mainstream parties dealing with populist actors is demonization.^[276]^[277] However, Schwörer and Fernández-García found that this practice is less common in Western Europe as usually assumed and that the center-right even refuses to harshly attack the populist radical right.^[278] In a similar vein, mainstream parties use the term "populism" to delegitimize populist actors due to its negative connotation among the public but also use the term to attack non-populist competitors.^[279]

Authoritarianism

Scholars have argued that populist elements have sometimes appeared in authoritarian movements.^[280]^[281]^[282]^[283]^[284]^[285] Some, but not all, populists are authoritarian, emphasizing "the importance of protecting traditional lifestyles against perceived threats from 'outsiders', even at the expense of civil liberties and minority rights."^[286]

The historian Roger Eatwell noted that "major ideological differences ... lie at the core" of fascism and populism, the former being anti-democratic and latter being rooted in democracy, "albeit not liberal democracy".^[287] However, he says that fascist politicians have "borrowed aspects of populist discourse and style".^[288] Some fascists have for instance used the terms "people" and "nation" synonymously.^[289] The historian Peter Fritzsche argued that populist movements active in Weimar Germany helped to facilitate the environment in which the fascist Nazi Party could rise to power,^[290] and that the Nazis utilised, "at least rhetorically", the "populist ideal of the people's community".^[291] The scholar Luke March argued that the populist Narodnik movement of late 19th-century Russia influenced the radical rejection on the constitutional limits of the state found in Marxism–Leninism.^[137]^[relevant?] Although the Marxist–Leninist movement often used populist rhetoric—in the 1960s, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union called itself the "party of the Soviet people"—in practice its emphasis on an elite vanguard is anti-populist in basis.^[292]^[relevant?]

In recent history, a 2018 analysis by political scientists Yascha Mounk and Jordan Kyle links populism to democratic backsliding, showing that since 1990, five out of 13 elected right-wing populist governments and five out of 15 elected left-wing populist governments brought about significant democratic backsliding.^[293] From the left, the pink tide spreading over Latin America was "prone to populism and authoritarianism".^[294] Correa in Ecuador^[295] and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and his regional allies^[296]^[191] used populism to achieve their dominance and later established authoritarian regimes when they were empowered. Such actions, Weyland argues, proves that populism is a strategy for winning and exerting state power and stands in tension with democracy and the values of pluralism, open debate, and fair competition.^[297]

In 2019, Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart classified over 50 European political parties as 'authoritarian-populist' as well as world leaders like Donald Trump, Silvio Burlesconi, Viktor Orbán, Hugo Chávez, Nicholas Maduro, Jair Bolsonaro, Narendra Modi, and Rodrigo Duterte.^[298] They described the combination of authoritarian values disguised in populist rhetoric as perhaps the most dangerous threat to liberal democracy.^[299] They also argue that authoritarian-populism provides a more powerful analytical lens than conventional labels like right-wing populism.^[300]

History

Although the term "populist" can be traced back to populares (courting the people) Senators in Ancient Rome, the first political movements emerged during the late nineteenth century. However, some of the movements that have been portrayed as progenitors of modern populism did not develop a truly populist ideology. It was only with the coming of Boulangism in France and the American People's Party, which was also known as the Populist Party, that the foundational forms of populism can fully be discerned. In particular, it was during this era that terms such as "people" and "popular sovereignty" became a major part of the vocabulary of insurgent political movements that courted mass support among an expanding electorate by claiming that they uniquely embodied their interests[.]

Political historian Roger Eatwell^[301]

Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser argue that populism is a modern phenomenon.^[302] However, attempts have been made to identify manifestations of populism in the democracy of classical Athens.^[303] Eatwell noted that although the actual term populism parallels that of the Populares who were active in the Roman Republic, these and other pre-modern groups "did not develop a truly populist ideology."^[304] The origins of populism are often traced to the late nineteenth century, when movements calling themselves populist arose in both the United States and the Russian Empire.^[305] Populism has often been linked to the spread of democracy, both as an idea and as a framework for governance.^[302]

Conversely, the historian Barry S. Strauss argued that populism could also be seen in the ancient world, citing the examples of the fifth-century B.C. Athens and Populares, a political faction active in the Roman Republic from the second century BCE.^[306] The historian Rachel Foxley argued that the Levellers of 17th-century England could also be labelled "populists", meaning that they believed "equal natural rights ... must shape political life"^[307]^{[clarification needed]} while the historian Peter Blickle linked populism to the Protestant Reformation.^[308]^[309]

Europe

19th and 20th centuries

In the Russian Empire during the late 19th century, the narodnichestvo movement emerged, championing the cause of the empire's peasantry against the governing elites.^[310] The movement was unable to secure its objectives; however, it inspired other agrarian movements across eastern Europe in the early 20th century.^[311] Although the Russian movement was primarily a movement of the middle class and intellectuals "going to the people", in some respects their agrarian populism was similar to that of the US People's Party, with both presenting small farmers (the peasantry in Europe) as the foundation of society and main source of societal morality.^[311] According to Eatwell, the narodniks "are often seen as the first populist movement".^[18]

In German-speaking Europe, the völkisch movement has often been characterised as populist, with its exultation of the German people and its anti-elitist attacks on capitalism and Jews.^[18] In France, the Boulangist movement also utilised populist rhetoric and themes.^[312] In the early 20th century, adherents of both Marxism and fascism flirted with populism, but both movements remained ultimately elitist, emphasising the idea of a small elite who should guide and govern society.^[311] Among Marxists, the emphasis on class struggle and the idea that the working classes are affected by false consciousness are also antithetical to populist ideas.^[311]

After 1945 populism was largely absent from Europe, in part due to the domination of Marxism–Leninism in Eastern Europe and a desire to emphasise moderation among many West European political parties.^[313] However, over the coming decades, a number of right-wing populist parties emerged throughout the continent.^[314] These were largely isolated and mostly reflected a conservative agricultural backlash against the centralisation and politicisation of the agricultural sector then occurring.^[315] These included Guglielmo Giannini's Common Man's Front in 1940s Italy, Pierre Poujade's Union for the Defense of Tradesmen and Artisans in late 1950s France, Hendrik Koekoek's Farmers' Party of the 1960s Netherlands, and Mogens Glistrup's Progress Party of 1970s Denmark.^[314] Between the late 1960s and the early 1980s there also came a concerted populist critique of society from Europe's New Left, including from the new social movements and from the early Green parties.^[316] However it was only in the late 1990s, according to Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, that populism became "a relevant political force in Europe", one which could have a significant impact on mainstream politics.^[315]

Following the fall of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc of the early 1990s, there was a rise in populism across much of Central and Eastern Europe.^[317] In the first multiparty elections in many of these countries, various parties portrayed themselves as representatives of "the people" against the "elite", representing the old governing Marxist–Leninist parties.^[318] The Czech Civic Forum party for instance campaigned on the slogan "Parties are for party members, Civic Forum is for everybody".^[318] Many populists in this region claimed that a "real" revolution had not occurred during the transition from Marxist–Leninist to liberal democratic governance in the early 1990s and that it was they who were campaigning for such a change.^[319]

The collapse of Marxism–Leninism as a central force in socialist politics also led to a broader growth of left-wing populism across Europe, reflected in groups like the Dutch Socialist Party, Scottish Socialist Party, and German's The Left party.^[320] Since the late 1980s, populist experiences emerged in Spain around the figures of José María Ruiz Mateos, Jesús Gil and Mario Conde, businessmen who entered politics chiefly to defend their personal economic interests, but by the turn of the millennium their proposals had proved to meet a limited support at the ballots at the national level.^[321]

21st century

At the turn of the 21st century, populist rhetoric and movements became increasingly apparent in Western Europe.^[323] Populist rhetoric was often used by opposition parties. For example, in the 2001 electoral campaign, the Conservative Party leader William Hague accused Tony Blair's governing Labour Party government of representing "the condescending liberal elite". Hague repeatedly referring to it as "metropolitan", implying that it was out of touch with "the people", who in Conservative discourse are represented by "Middle England".^[324] Blair's government also employed populist rhetoric; in outlining legislation to curtail fox hunting on animal welfare grounds, it presented itself as championing the desires of the majority against the upper-classes who engaged in the sport.^[325] Blair's rhetoric has been characterised as the adoption of a populist style rather than the expression of an underlying populist ideology.^[326]

By the 21st century, European populism^[327] was again associated largely with the political right.^[83] The term came to be used in reference both to radical right groups like Jörg Haider's FPÖ in Austria and Jean-Marie Le Pen's FN in France, as well as to non-radical right-wing groups like Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia or Pim Fortuyn's LPF in the Netherlands.^[83] The populist radical right combined populism with authoritarianism and nativism.^[315]^[328]

Conversely, the Great Recession also resulted in the emergence of left-wing populist groups in parts of Europe, most notably the Syriza party which gained political office in Greece and the Podemos party in Spain, displaying similarities with the US-based Occupy movement.^[319] Like Europe's right-wing populists, these groups also expressed Eurosceptic sentiment towards the European Union, albeit largely from a socialist and anti-austerity perspective rather than the nationalist perspective adopted by their right-wing counterparts.^[319] Populists have entered government in many countries across Europe, both in coalitions with other parties as well by themselves, Austria and Poland are examples of these respectively.^[329]

The UK Labour Party under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn has been called populist,^[330]^[331]^[332] with the slogan "for the many not the few" having been used.^[333]^[334]^{[failed verification]}^[335]^{[failed verification]}

After the 2016 UK referendum on membership of the European Union, in which British citizens voted to leave, some have claimed the "Brexit" as a victory for populism, encouraging a flurry of calls for referendums among other EU countries by populist political parties.^[336]

North America

In North America, populism has often been characterised by regional mobilisation and loose organisation.^[337] During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, populist sentiments became widespread, particularly in the western provinces of Canada, and in the southwest and Great Plains regions of the United States. In this instance, populism was combined with agrarianism and often known as "prairie populism".^[338] For these groups, "the people" were yeomen—small, independent farmers —while the "elite" were the bankers and politicians of the northeast.^[338] In some cases, populist activists called for alliances with labor (the first national platform of the National People's Party in 1892 calling for protecting the rights of "urban workmen".^[339] In the state of Georgia in the early 1890s, Thomas E. Watson led a major effort to unite poor white farmers, and included some African-American farmers.^[340]^[341]

The People's Party of the late 19th century United States is considered to be "one of the defining populist movements";^[314] its members were often referred to as the Populists at the time.^[338] Its radical platform included calling for the nationalisation of railways, the banning of strikebreakers, and the introduction of referendums.^[342] The party gained representation in several state legislatures during the 1890s, but was not powerful enough to mount a successful presidential challenge. In the 1896 presidential election, the People's Party supported the Democratic Party candidate William Jennings Bryan; after his defeat, the People's Party's support plunged.^[343]

Other early populist political parties in the United States included the Greenback Party, the Progressive Party of 1924 led by Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and the Share Our Wealth movement of Huey P. Long in 1933–1935.^[344]^[345] In Canada, populist groups adhering to a social credit ideology had various successes at local and regional elections from the 1930s to the 1960s, although the main Social Credit Party of Canada never became a dominant national force.^[346]

By the mid-20th century, US populism had moved from a largely progressive to a largely reactionary stance, being closely intertwined with the anti-communist politics of the period.^[347] In this period, the historian Richard Hofstadter and sociologist Daniel Bell compared the anti-elitism of the 1890s Populists with that of Joseph McCarthy.^[348] Although not all academics accepted the comparison between the left-wing, anti-big business Populists and the right-wing, anti-communist McCarthyites, the term "populist" nonetheless came to be applied to both left-wing and right-wing groups that blamed elites for the problems facing the country.^[348]

Some mainstream politicians in the Republican Party recognised the utility of such a tactic and adopted it; Republican President Richard Nixon for instance popularised the term "silent majority" when appealing to voters.^[347] Right-wing populist rhetoric was also at the base of two of the most successful third-party presidential campaigns in the late 20th century, that of George C. Wallace in 1968 and Ross Perot in 1992.^[1] These politicians presented a consistent message that a "liberal elite" was threatening "our way of life" and using the welfare state to placate the poor and thus maintain their own power.^[1]

Former Oklahoma Senator Fred R. Harris, first elected in 1964, ran unsuccessfully for the US presidency in 1972 and 1976. Harris' New Populism embraced egalitarian themes.^[349]

In the first decade of the 21st century, two populist movements appeared in the US, both in response to the Great Recession: the Occupy movement and the Tea Party movement.^[350] The populist approach of the Occupy movement was broader, with its "people" being what it called "the 99%", while the "elite" it challenged was presented as both the economic and political elites.^[351] The Tea Party's populism was Producerism, while "the elite" it presented was more party partisan than that of Occupy, being defined largely—although not exclusively—as the Democratic administration of President Barack Obama.^[351]

The 2016 presidential election saw a wave of populist sentiment in the campaigns of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump, with both candidates running on anti-establishment platforms in the Democratic and Republican parties, respectively.^[352] Both campaigns criticised free trade deals such as the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.^[353]^[354]^[355] Other studies have noted an emergence of populist rhetoric and a decline in the value of prior experience in U.S. intra-party contests such as congressional primaries.^[356] Nativism and hostility toward immigrants (especially Muslims, Hispanics and Asians) were common features.^[357]

Latin America

Populism has been dominant in Latin American politics since the 1930s and 1940s,^[57] being far more prevalent there than in Europe.^[359] Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser noted that the region has the world's "most enduring and prevalent populist tradition".^[360] They suggested that this was the case because it was a region with a long tradition of democratic governance and free elections, but with high rates of socio-economic inequality, generating widespread resentments that politicians can articulate through populism.^[361] March instead thought that it was the important role of "catch-all parties and prominent personalities" in Latin American politics which had made populism more common.^[359]

The first wave of Latin American populism began at the start of the Great Depression in 1929 and last until the end of the 1960s.^[362] In various countries, politicians took power while emphasising "the people": these included Getúlio Vargas in Brazil, Juan Perón in Argentina, and José María Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador.^[363] These relied on the Americanismo ideology, presenting a common identity across Latin America and denouncing any interference from imperialist powers.^[364] The second wave took place in the early 1990s;^[365] de la Torre called it "neoliberal populism".^[366]

In the late 1980s, many Latin American states were experiencing economic crisis and several populist figures were elected by blaming the elites for this situation.^[364] Examples include Carlos Menem in Argentina, Fernando Collor de Mello in Brazil, and Alberto Fujimori in Peru.^[365] Once in power, these individuals pursued neoliberal economic strategies recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).^[367] Unlike the first wave, the second did not include an emphasis on Americanismo or anti-imperialism.^[368]

The third wave began in the final years of the 1990s and continued into the 21st century.^[368] It overlapped in part with the pink tide of left-wing resurgence in Latin America. Like the first wave, the third made heavy use of Americanismo and anti-imperialism, although this time these themes presented alongside an explicitly socialist programme that opposed the free market.^[368] Prominent examples included Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Cristina de Kirchner in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua.^[369] These socialist populist governments have presented themselves as giving sovereignty "back to the people", in particular through the formation of constituent assemblies that would draw up new constitutions, which could then be ratified via referendums.^[370] In this way they claimed to be correcting the problems of social and economic injustice that liberal democracy had failed to deal with, replacing it with superior forms of democracy.^[371]

Oceania

During the 1990s, there was a growth in populism in both Australia and New Zealand.^[372]

In New Zealand, Robert Muldoon, the 31st Prime Minister of New Zealand from 1975 to 1984, had been cited as a populist.^[373] Populism has become a pervasive trend in New Zealand politics since the introduction of the mixed-member proportional voting system in 1996.^[374]^[375] The New Zealand Labour Party's populist appeals in its 1999 election campaign and advertising helped to propel the party to victory in that election.^[376] New Zealand First has presented a more lasting populist platform; long-time party leader Winston Peters has been characterised by some as a populist who uses anti-establishment rhetoric,^[377] though in a uniquely New Zealand style.^[378]^[379]

Sub-Saharan Africa

In much of Africa, populism has been a rare phenomenon.^[380] The political scientist Danielle Resnick argued that populism first became apparent in Africa during the 1980s, when a series of coups brought military leaders to power in various countries.^[381] In Ghana, for example, Jerry Rawlings took control, professing that he would involve "the people" in "the decision-making process", something he claimed had previously been denied to them.^[381] A similar process took place in neighbouring Burkina Faso under the military leader Thomas Sankara, who professed to "take power out of the hands of our national bourgeoisie and their imperialist allies and put it in the hands of the people".^[382] Such military leaders claimed to represent "the voice of the people", utilised an anti-establishment discourse, and established participatory organisations through which to maintain links with the broader population.^[383]

In the 21st century, with the establishment of multi-party democratic systems in much of Sub-Saharan Africa, new populist politicians have appeared. These have included Kenya's Raila Odinga, Senegal's Abdoulaye Wade, South Africa's Julius Malema, and Zambia's Michael Sata.^[384] These populists have arisen in democratic rather than authoritarian states, and have arisen amid dissatisfaction with democratisation, socio-economic grievances, and frustration at the inability of opposition groups to oust incumbent parties.^[385]

Asia and the Arab world

In North Africa, populism was associated with the approaches of several political leaders active in the 20th century, most notably Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and Libya's Muammar Gaddafi.^[380] However, populist approaches only became more popular in the Middle East during the early 21st century, by which point it became integral to much of the region's politics.^[380] Here, it became an increasingly common element of mainstream politics in established representative democracies, associated with longstanding leaders like Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu.^[386] Although the Arab Spring was not a populist movement itself, populist rhetoric was present among protesters.^[387]

In southeast Asia, populist politicians emerged in the wake of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. In the region, various populist governments took power but were removed soon after: these include the administrations of Joseph Estrada in the Philippines, Roh Moo-hyun in South Korea, Chen Shui-bian in Taiwan, and Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand.^[388]In India, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which rose to increasing power in the early 21st century adopted a right-wing populist position.^[389] Unlike many other successful populist groups, the BJP was not wholly reliant on the personality of its leader, but survived as a powerful electoral vehicle under several leaders.^[390]

Late 20th- and early 21st-century growth

Sheri Berman reviews various explanations of populism including "demand- and supply-side explanations of populism, economic grievance–based and sociocultural grievance–based explanations of populism, and structure- and agency-based explanations of populism".^[3] There is now a wide-ranging and interdisciplinary literature in this area.^[3]^[391]

In the early 1990s, there was an increasing awareness of populism in established liberal democracies, sometimes referred to as the "New Populism".^[197] The UK's referendum on European Union membership and the election of Donald Trump, both in 2016, generated a substantial rise in interest in the concept from both academics and the public.^[392] By 2016, "populism" was regularly used by political commentators.^[29]

A 2017 review of votes for populistic parties in all developed countries discovered them spiking in 2015 and reaching highest levels since WWII.^[393]

The rise of populism in Western Europe is, in large part, a reaction to the failure of traditional parties to respond adequately in the eyes of the electorate to a series of phenomena such as economic and cultural globalisation, the speed and direction of European integration, immigration, the decline of ideologies and class politics, exposure of elite corruption, etc. It is also the product of a much-cited, but rarely defined, "political malaise", manifested in steadily falling voter turnout across Western Europe, declining political party membership, and ever-greater numbers of citizens in surveys citing a lack of interest and distrust in politics and politicians.

Albertazzi and McDonnell, 2008^[394]

Mudde argued that by the early 1990s, populism had become a regular feature in Western democracies.^[325] He attributed this to changing perceptions of government that had spread in this period, which in turn he traced to the changing role of the media to focus increasingly on sensationalism and scandals.^[395] Since the late 1960s, the emergence of television had allowed for the increasing proliferation of the Western media, with media outlets becoming increasingly independent of political parties.^[395] As private media companies have had to compete against each other, they have placed an increasing focus on scandals and other sensationalist elements of politics, in doing so promoting anti-governmental sentiments among their readership and cultivating an environment prime for populists.^[396]

At the same time, politicians increasingly faced television interviews, exposing their flaws.^[397] News media had also taken to interviewing fewer accredited experts, and instead favouring interviewing individuals found on the street as to their views about current events.^[397] At the same time, mass media was giving less attention to the "high culture" of elites and more to other sectors of society, as reflected in reality television shows such as Big Brother.^[397]

Mudde argued that another reason for the growth of Western populism in this period was the improved education of the populace; since the 1960s, citizens have expected more from their politicians and felt increasingly competent to judge their actions. This in turn has led to an increasingly sceptical attitude toward mainstream politicians and governing groups.^[398] In Mudde's words, "More and more citizens think they have a good understanding of what politicians do, and think they can do it better."^[399]

Another factor is that in the post-Cold War period, liberal democracies no longer had the one-party states of the Eastern Bloc against which to favourably compare themselves; citizens were therefore increasingly able to compare the realities of the liberal democratic system with theoretical models of democracy, and find the former wanting.^[400] There is also the impact of globalisation, which is seen as having seriously limited the powers of national elites.^[401] Such factors undermine citizens' belief in the competency of governing elite, opening up space for charismatic leadership to become increasingly popular; although charismatic leadership is not the same as populist leadership, populists have been the main winners of this shift towards charismatic leadership.^[399]Peter Wilkins has argued that "The end of history and the post-Cold War extension and deepening of capitalism are central to understanding the rise of contemporary populist movements."^[402]

Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart connect economic and sociocultural theories of the causes of support for the growing populist movements in Western societies. The first theory they examine is the economic insecurity perspective which focuses on the consequences created by a transforming contemporary workforce and society in post-industrial economies. Norris suggests that events such as globalisation, China's membership of the World Trade Organisation and cheaper imports have left the unsecured members of society (low-waged unskilled workers, single parents, the long term unemployed and the poorer white populations) seeking populist leaders such as Donald Trump and Nigel Farage.^[403]

The other theory is the cultural backlash thesis, in which Norris and Inglehart suggest that the rise of populism is a reaction from previously dominant sectors of the population, the white, uneducated, elderly men of today, who feel threatened and marginalised by the progressive values of modern society. These groups in particular have a growing resentment towards their traditional values being scolded as politically incorrect and are much more likely to become supportive of anti-establishment, xenophobic political parties.^[403]Norris and Inglehart have analyzed data from the World Values Survey. On this basis, they argue that while the proximate cause of right-wing populist voting may be identified in sociocultural grievances, such grievances are increasingly being driven by economic insecurity and the erosion of traditional values.^[3]^[404]

Using Brexit and Trump's election as examples, Michael Sandel in his 2020 book The Tyranny of Merit argues that populism came out of disenchantment with 'meritocratic' elites ruling over disenchanted working people.^[405] He states the popular backlash against meritocracy predicted by Michael Dunlop Young in The Rise of the Meritocracy to occur in the 2030s in fact arrived a few decades early.^[405] Sandel suggests political systems that reject meritocracy and champion the dignity of labour as the solution to this problem.^[405]

References

Notes

^ a b c d Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 25.
^ Glaser, E. (2018). Anti-Politics: On the Demonization of Ideology, Authority and the State. Watkins Media. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-912248-12-4. Retrieved 23 April 2023.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Berman, Sheri (11 May 2021). "The Causes of Populism in the West". Annual Review of Political Science. 24 (1): 71–88. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-041719-102503.
^ "Populism in the Twenty-First Century: An Illiberal Democratic Response to Undemocratic Liberalism – The Andrea Mitchell Center for the Study of Democracy". Cas Mudde. Retrieved 3 May 2023.
^ Muller, J.W.; Müller, J.W. (2016). What Is Populism?. University of Pennsylvania Press, Inc. ISBN 978-0-8122-9378-4.
^ Huber, Robert A.; Jankowski, Michael; Juen, Christina-Marie (5 December 2022). "Populist parties and the two-dimensional policy space". European Journal of Political Research. 62 (3). Wiley: 989–1004. doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12569. ISSN 0304-4130. S2CID 253567133.
^ a b Yilmaz, Ihsan; Morieson, Nicholas (14 April 2021). "A Systematic Literature Review of Populism, Religion and Emotions". Religions. 12 (4): 272. doi:10.3390/rel12040272. hdl:10536/DRO/DU:30150378. ISSN 2077-1444.
^ Funke, Manuel; Schularick, Moritz; Trebesch, Christoph (2023). "Populist Leaders and the Economy". American Economic Review. 113 (12): 3249–88. doi:10.1257/aer.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 3.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 3; Canovan 1982, p. 544; Akkerman 2003, p. 148; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 2; Anselmi 2018, p. 5; Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 3.
^ Brett 2013, p. 410.
^ Taggart 2002, p. 162.
^ Lamartine, Alphonse Marie L. de Prat de (1858). History of the constituent assembly, 1789-90.
^ Pipes, Richard (1964). "Narodnichestvo: A Semantic Inquiry". Slavic Review. 23 (3): 441–458. doi:10.2307/2492683. JSTOR 2492683. S2CID 147530830.
^ Allcock 1971, p. 372; Canovan 1981, pp. 5–6.
^ Allcock 1971, p. 372; Canovan 1981, p. 5; Akkerman 2003, p. 148.
^ Allcock 1971, p. 372; Canovan 1981, p. 14.
^ a b c Eatwell 2017, p. 366.
^ Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 3; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 2.
^ a b Canovan 1981, p. 6.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 5; Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 3; Tormey 2018, p. 260.
^ a b c Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 3.
^ Stanley 2008, p. 101; Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 1.
^ a b c Stanley 2008, p. 101.
^ Canovan 2004, p. 244; Tormey 2018, p. 260.
^ Mény & Surel 2002, p. 3.
^ Canovan 2004, p. 243; Stanley 2008, p. 101; Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 2; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 2.
^ March 2007, pp. 68–69.
^ a b Anselmi 2018, p. 1.
^ "'Populism' revealed as 2017 Word of the Year by Cambridge University Press". Cambridge University Press. 30 November 2017. Archived from the original on 9 August 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
^ Allcock 1971, pp. 372–373.
^ Allcock 1971, p. 371; Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 2.
^ Allcock 1971, p. 378.
^ a b Anselmi 2018, p. 3.
^ Noury, Abdul; Roland, Gerard (11 May 2020). "Identity Politics and Populism in Europe". Annual Review of Political Science. 23 (1): 421–439. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-033542. ISSN 1094-2939.
^ Taggart 2002, p. 63.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 301.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 13; Canovan 1982, pp. 550–551.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 13.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 289.
^ Anselmi 2018, p. 6.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 5; Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 3; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 5.
^ a b c d Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 5.
^ Stanley 2008, p. 100.
^ Art, David (2020). "The Myth of Global Populism". Perspectives on Politics. 20 (3): 999–1011. doi:10.1017/S1537592720003552. ISSN 1537-5927. S2CID 228858887.
^ a b Mudde 2004, p. 543.
^ Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 2.
^ Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 3.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, p. 149.
^ Gagnon et al. 2018, p. v.
^ Frank, Thomas (2020). The People, No. Metropolitan Books. ISBN 978-1-250-22010-3.
^ a b Medzihorsky, Juraj; Lindberg, Staffan I. (17 May 2023). "Walking the Talk: How to Identify Anti-Pluralist Parties" (PDF). Party Politics. 30 (3). Sage Publications: 420–434. doi:10.1177/13540688231153092. hdl:2077/68137. ISSN 1354-0688. PMC 11069453. PMID 38711799. S2CID 265727508.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, pp. 149–150; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 6; Abi-Hassan 2017, p. 427.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, p. 150; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 5; Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, pp. 2, 3.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, p. 150; Hawkins & Rovira Kaltwasser 2019, p. 2.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2013, p. 151; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 6; McDonnell & Cabrera 2019, p. 487.
^ a b de la Torre 2017, p. 195.
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^ Norris, Pippa; Inglehart, Ronald (2019). Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and the rise of authoritarian populism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. p. 6. ISBN 978-1-108-42607-7.
^ Norris, Pippa; Inglehart, Ronald (2018). Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and the rise of authoritarian-populism. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-1-108-42607-7.
^ Eatwell 2017, pp. 365–366.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 21.
^ Adamidis, Vasileios (2019). "Manifestations of populism in late 5th century Athens". New Studies in Law and History: 11–28.
^ Eatwell 2017, p. 365.
^ Eatwell 2017, p. 365; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 21.
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^ a b c d Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 33.
^ Eatwell 2017, pp. 366–367.
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^ a b c Mudde 2004, p. 548.
^ a b c Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 34.
^ Mudde 2004, p. 548; March 2007, p. 66.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 35.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 36.
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^ March 2007, p. 67.
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^ a b c Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 23.
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^ Woodward 1938.
^ Canovan 1981, p. 17.
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^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 23–24.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 24.
^ a b Kazin, Michael (22 March 2016). "How Can Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders Both Be 'Populist'?". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 9 February 2017. Retrieved 13 July 2016.
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^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 26.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 26–27.
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^ Mudde 2012.
^ Qadir 2024, p. 259.
^ a b March 2007, p. 69.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 27.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 27–28.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 28.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 28–29; de la Torre 2017, p. 196.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 29.
^ a b Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 29; de la Torre 2017, p. 198.
^ de la Torre 2017, p. 198.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 29–30; de la Torre 2017, p. 199.
^ a b c Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 31.
^ March 2007, p. 71; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 31; de la Torre 2017, p. 199.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 32; de la Torre 2017, p. 200.
^ de la Torre 2017, p. 201.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 38.
^ Cowen, Tyler (13 February 2017). "Feisty, Protectionist Populism? New Zealand Tried That". Bloomberg.com. Bloomberg L.P. Archived from the original on 1 March 2017. Retrieved 18 June 2017.
^ Roper, Juliet; Holtz-Bacha, Christina; Mazzoleni, Gianpietro (2004). The Politics of Representation: election campaigning and proportional representation. New York: Peter Lang. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-8204-6148-9.
^ Carmichael, Kelly (21 March 2016). "Proportional Representation leads to right-wing populism? Really?". National Observer. Archived from the original on 20 September 2017. Retrieved 17 June 2017.
^ Boston, Jonathan (2003). New Zealand Votes: The General Election of 2002. Victoria University Press. pp. 239–40. ISBN 978-0-86473-468-6. Archived from the original on 2 November 2017.
^ Moore, John (11 November 2016). "Political Roundup: Could anti-Establishment politics hit New Zealand?". The New Zealand Herald. Archived from the original on 3 October 2017. Retrieved 16 June 2017.
^ Landis, Dan; Albert, Rosita D. (2012). Handbook of Ethnic Conflict: International Perspectives. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 52. ISBN 978-1-4614-0448-4. Archived from the original on 2 November 2017.
^ Trotter, Chris (14 February 2017). "Chris Trotter: Winston Peters may be a populist but that does not make him NZ's Trump". Stuff.co.nz. Archived from the original on 19 October 2017. Retrieved 16 June 2017.
^ a b c Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 39.
^ a b Resnick 2017, p. 102.
^ Resnick 2017, p. 103.
^ Resnick 2017, pp. 103–104.
^ Resnick 2017, p. 106.
^ Resnick 2017, pp. 106–107.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 39–40.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 40.
^ Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 38–39.
^ McDonnell & Cabrera 2019, p. 484.
^ McDonnell & Cabrera 2019, p. 485.
^ Mounk, Yascha (2018). The people vs. democracy : why our freedom is in danger and how to save it. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
^ Tormey 2018, p. 260.
^ "Populism: The Phenomenon" (PDF).
^ Albertazzi & McDonnell 2008, p. 1.
^ a b Mudde 2004, p. 553.
^ Mudde 2004, p. 553; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, pp. 103–104.
^ a b c Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017, p. 108.
^ Mudde 2004, p. 554.
^ a b Mudde 2004, p. 556.
^ Mudde 2004, p. 555.
^ Mudde 2004, pp. 555–56.
^ Wilkin, Peter (14 August 2018). "Rip It Up and Start Again: The Challenge of Populism in the Twenty-First Century". Journal of World-Systems Research. 24 (2). University Library System, University of Pittsburgh: 314–324. doi:10.5195/jwsr.2018.855. ISSN 1076-156X. S2CID 150004828.
^ a b Inglehart & Norris 2016, p. 1-2, Bibliography.
^ Norris, Pippa (2019). Cultural backlash : Trump, Brexit, and the rise of authoritarian populism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-44442-2.
^ a b c Sandel, Michael (2020). The Tyranny of Merit: What's Become of the Common Good?. Penguin. ISBN 9780141991177.

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External links

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Populism at the Encyclopædia Britannica
The PopuList: a database of populist, far-left, and far-right parties in Europe since 1989

Популизм

Этимология и терминология

Использование в академических кругах

Идеациональное определение

Правые и левые

«Люди»

«Элита»

Генеральная воля

Против элитарности и плюрализма

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Demand-side factors

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Recent democratization

Supply-side factors

Voluntarism

Mobilisation

Leaders

Rhetorical styles

Media

Electoral systems

Political parties

Social movements

Other themes

Democracy

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Authoritarianism

History

Europe

19th and 20th centuries

21st century

North America

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Oceania

Sub-Saharan Africa

Asia and the Arab world

Late 20th- and early 21st-century growth

See also

References

Notes

Bibliography

Further reading

General

Europe

Latin America

United States

External links