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Отношения между Индией и Соединенными Штатами восходят к движению за независимость Индии и продолжались и после обретения независимости от Соединенного Королевства в 1947 году. В настоящее время Индия и Соединенные Штаты поддерживают тесные отношения и углубили сотрудничество по таким вопросам, как борьба с терроризмом и противодействие китайскому влиянию в Индо-Тихоокеанском регионе . [1]
Ежегодный опрос Gallup World Affairs показывает, что Индия воспринимается американцами как шестая любимая страна в мире, при этом 71% американцев относились к Индии благосклонно в 2015 году [2] и 70% в 2023 году [3]. Опросы Gallup показали, что 74% американцев относились к Индии благосклонно в 2017 году [4] , 72% в 2019 году [5], 75% в 2020 году [6] и 77% в 2022 году [7]. Согласно опросу Morning Consult , проведенному в августе 2021 года после падения Афганистана , 79% индийцев относились к Соединенным Штатам благосклонно, по сравнению с 10%, которые относились к Соединенным Штатам отрицательно. Это был самый высокий рейтинг благосклонности из всех 15 основных стран, в которых проводился опрос, и выше, чем собственный рейтинг благосклонности граждан США к США в то время. [8]
В 1954 году Соединенные Штаты сделали Пакистан союзником Организации Центрального Договора ( СЕНТО ). [9] В результате Индия развивала стратегические и военные отношения с Советским Союзом, чтобы противостоять отношениям Пакистана и Соединенных Штатов . [10] В 1961 году Индия стала одним из основателей Движения неприсоединения, чтобы воздержаться от присоединения к США или СССР в холодной войне . [11] Поддержка администрацией Никсона Пакистана во время индо-пакистанской войны 1971 года влияла на отношения вплоть до распада Советского Союза в 1991 году. В 1990-х годах индийская внешняя политика адаптировалась к однополярному миру , и Индия развила более тесные связи с Соединенными Штатами. [12]
В двадцать первом веке индийская внешняя политика стремилась использовать стратегическую автономию Индии для защиты суверенных прав и продвижения национальных интересов в многополярном мире. [13] [14]
В администрациях президентов Джорджа Буша-младшего (2001–09) и Барака Обамы (2009–2017) Соединенные Штаты продемонстрировали примирение с основными национальными интересами Индии и признали нерешенные проблемы. [15] Увеличение двусторонней торговли и инвестиций , сотрудничество по вопросам глобальной безопасности , включение Индии в процесс принятия решений по вопросам глобального управления ( Совет Безопасности ООН ), повышение представительства на торговых и инвестиционных форумах ( Всемирный банк , МВФ , АТЭС ), принятие в многосторонние режимы экспортного контроля ( РКРТ , Вассенаарские договоренности , Австралийская группа ) и поддержка принятия в Группу ядерных поставщиков и совместное производство посредством соглашений об обмене технологиями стали ключевыми вехами и мерой скорости и продвижения на пути к более тесным отношениям между США и Индией. [16] [17]
С 2014 года стратегическое сотрудничество между двумя странами углубилось [18], и Индия была объявлена «Основным оборонным партнером» Соединенных Штатов. [19] Индия и Соединенные Штаты также активизировали свое сотрудничество в рамках многосторонних групп, таких как The Quad и I2U2 Group . [20]
Термин «индеец», который использовался в качестве альтернативы для коренных народов Америки , возник благодаря Христофору Колумбу , который в своих поисках Индии думал, что прибыл в Ост-Индию . Это историческое неправильное название сохранялось на протяжении столетий, формируя культурные восприятия и повествования, окружающие идентичность коренных американцев. [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26]
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Элиу Йель (1649–1721) был американским торговцем и чиновником Британской Ост-Индской компании , наиболее известным за его филантропические вклады, которые привели к созданию Йельского университета . Связь Йеля с Индией была значительной; он служил губернатором поселения Британской Ост-Индской компании в Мадрасе (ныне Ченнаи) с 1687 по 1692 год. За время своего пребывания в должности он накопил значительное богатство за счет торговли текстилем, специями и другими товарами. Его успех в Индии сыграл решающую роль в его возвышении и предоставил ему ресурсы для внесения существенных пожертвований образовательным учреждениям, включая Коллегиальную школу Коннектикута, которая была переименована в Йельский колледж в его честь в 1718 году. Наследие Элиу Йеля по-прежнему тесно связано как с развитием британской торговли в Индии, так и с основанием одного из самых престижных университетов мира. [27]
Из-за связей между Ост-Индской компанией и Тринадцатью колониями , многие индийцы были отправлены в последние для рабства или кабального труда . Сегодня потомки таких рабов из Ост-Индии могут иметь небольшой процент ДНК от азиатских предков, но он, вероятно, ниже обнаруживаемых уровней для сегодняшних ДНК-тестов, поскольку большинство поколений с тех пор имели бы в основном этническое африканское и европейское происхождение. [28]
Великобритания и Франция имели территории в Америке, а также на Индийском субконтиненте . В 1778 году, когда Франция объявила войну Великобритании, начались боевые действия между британскими и французскими колониями в Индии . [29] Это ознаменовало начало Второй англо-майсурской войны . Хайдер Али , султан королевства Майсур , вступил в союз с французами. С 1780 по 1783 год франко-майсурские силы сражались в нескольких кампаниях против британцев в западной и южной Индии, в нескольких местах, таких как Маэ и Мангалор . [30] Тем временем Американский континентальный конгресс , не имея возможности отправить полноценную экспедицию на субконтинент, вместо этого поощрял свой пиратский флот атаковать корабли Ост-Индской компании. [31]
29 июня, когда обе стороны были ослаблены, британцы отправили HMS Medea сдаться, направив письма французам, в которых говорилось, что Американская война за независимость окончена. [32] Парижский договор был составлен 30 ноября 1782 года, за несколько месяцев до осады Куддалора , но новости о нем достигли Индии лишь через семь месяцев из-за задержки сообщений с Индией. Договор был окончательно подписан 3 сентября 1783 года и ратифицирован Конгрессом США несколько месяцев спустя. По условиям договора Британия вернула Пондичерри французам, а Куддалор был возвращен британцам. [30] Говорят, что флаг Ост-Индской компании вдохновил на создание Большого флага Союза 1775 года, в конечном итоге вдохновив и нынешний флаг Соединенных Штатов , поскольку оба флага имели одинаковый дизайн. [33] Майсорские ракеты также использовались в битве при Балтиморе и упоминаются в « Знамени, усыпанном звездами », национальном гимне Соединенных Штатов: И красные отблески ракет, и бомбы, разрывающиеся в воздухе . [34]
Офицер британской армии Чарльз Корнуоллис, 1-й маркиз Корнуоллис , который руководил британской капитуляцией во время осады Йорктауна , что привело к окончанию военных действий в Северной Америке во время Американской революции, позже стал генерал-губернатором Индии и сыграл значительную роль в расширении британского контроля над субконтинентом. Его место захоронения находится в североиндийском городе Газипур . [35] [36]
Родившийся в Британии американец Дэвид Охтерлони (1758–1825) был британским военным офицером, служившим в Индии в конце 18-го и начале 19-го веков. Он, пожалуй, наиболее известен своей ролью в англо-непальской войне 1814–1816 годов, также известной как Гуркхская война, где он командовал британскими и индийскими войсками против Королевства Гуркхов Непала.
У американского патриота, ставшего офицером британской армии, Бенедикта Арнольда был сын по имени Эдвард Шиппен Арнольд, который сражался на стороне британцев во время кампаний в Бенгалии. [37] [38]
Американский офицер Джон Паркер Бойд принял участие в битве при Харде , сражаясь на стороне низама Хайдарабада . [39] [40] [41]
Американский отец-основатель Аарон Берр имел отношения с женщиной из Восточной Индии по имени Мэри Эммонс , которая, скорее всего, была из индийского города Калькутта . Вместе у них было двое детей, включая Джона Пьера Берра . [42] [43]
Дадли Ливитт Пикман был одним из первых американских торговцев, торгующих с Индией, и основателем Ост-Индского морского общества .
Фитцедвард Холл был первым американцем, отредактировавшим санскритский текст. [44]
Адонирам Джадсон был известен как первый американский миссионер, отправившийся за границу. 17 июня 1812 года Джадсоны прибыли в Калькутту. Во время своего путешествия в Индию он углубился в тщательное изучение теологии крещения. Он пришел к убеждению, что крещение верующих не только доктринально обосновано, но и является важным актом послушания указанию Иисуса (Матфея 28:19–20). [45]
Шарлотта Уайт , дочь судьи из Пенсильвании Уильяма Августа Этли , имеет честь быть первой американской женщиной, назначенной миссионером и отправленной в зарубежную страну. Спонсируемая Баптистским советом иностранных миссий, она отправилась в Калькутту, Индия, в декабре 1815 года. [46] [47]
Другие американские миссионеры в Индии в эпоху до британского владычества включают: Лайман Джуэтт , Сэмюэл Б. Фэрбэнк , Натан Браун , Джон Уэлш Даллес , Лютер Райс , Сэмюэл Ньюэлл , Дэвид Оливер Аллен , Синтия Фаррар , Генри Ричард Хойзингтон , Сэмюэл Нотт , Харриет Ньюэлл , Джордж Уоррен Вуд , Мирон Уинслоу , Гордон Холл , Азуба Кэролайн Кондит , Леви Сполдинг , Джордж Боуэн , Энн Хасселтин Джадсон , Джордж Бордман , Джеремайя Филлипс и Уильям Артур Стэнтон.
Отношения между Индией во времена британского владычества и Соединенными Штатами были тесными. [48] Свами Вивекананда пропагандировал йогу и веданту в Соединенных Штатах во Всемирном парламенте религий в Чикаго во время Всемирной выставки в 1893 году. Марк Твен посетил Индию в 1896 году [49] и описал ее в своем путевом очерке «По следам экватора» с отвращением и притяжением, прежде чем пришел к выводу, что Индия была единственной зарубежной страной, о которой он мечтал или которую хотел увидеть снова. [50] Что касается Индии, американцы узнали больше от английского писателя Редьярда Киплинга . [51] Махатма Ганди оказал важное влияние на философию ненасилия, пропагандируемую лидером американского движения за гражданские права Мартином Лютером Кингом-младшим в 1950-х годах. [52]
Бывший американский военный офицер, а позднее видная фигура в духовном и философском движении теософии Генри Стил Олкотт покинул Нью-Йорк в декабре 1878 года, чтобы перенести штаб-квартиру Теософского общества в Индию. Он и общество прибыли в Бомбей 16 февраля 1879 года. Целью Олкотта было погрузиться в культуру Индии, места рождения его духовного вдохновения, Будды. Штаб-квартира общества была основана в Адьяре, Ченнаи, где Олкотт также основал Адьярскую библиотеку и исследовательский центр. Он стремился получить подлинные переводы священных текстов буддийских, индуистских и зороастрийских религий, чтобы предоставить западным людям истинное понимание восточной философии, противостоя западным интерпретациям. На протяжении всего своего времени в Индии Олкотт неустанно работал над тем, чтобы преодолеть культурный и духовный разрыв между Востоком и Западом. Он умер в Адьяре, Мадрас, 17 февраля 1907 года. [53]
Маргарет Вудро Вильсон , дочь 28-го президента США Вудро Вильсона , стала преданной и членом ашрама Шри Ауробиндо в Пондичерри на всю оставшуюся жизнь. Уилсон сменила имя на Ништха, что на санскрите означает «посвящение» . В 1942 году она сотрудничала с Джозефом Кэмпбеллом, когда они занялись редактированием английского перевода Евангелия Шри Рамакришны, изначально написанного Свами Никхиланандой, классического труда об индуистском мистике Шри Рамакришне. Эта отредактированная версия была впоследствии опубликована Центром Рамакришны-Вивекананды в Нью-Йорке. Она умерла в Пондичерри 12 февраля 1944 года. [54]
Во время британского владычества в Индию было отправлено множество американских миссионеров, в том числе известная семья Скаддер, Ральф Т. Темплин , Джеймс Миллс Тобурн , Мэри У. Бачелер , Джеймс Мадж , Дж. Уоском Пикетт , Эдвард Винтер Кларк , Майлз Бронсон , Сэмюэл Х. Келлог , Джон Нельсон Хайд , Нэнси Монелл , Люси Уайтхед Макгилл Уотербери Пибоди , Кроуфорд Р. Тобурн , Элвуд Моррис Уэрри , Мюррей Терстон Титус , жертва Титаника Энни Фанк , Фредерик Бон Фишер , рожденный в британской Индии и жертва Второй мировой войны Роберт М. Хансон , рожденный в британской Индии Виктор Клоу Рэмбо , Херви Де Витт Грисволд , рожденный в британской Индии Роберт Эрнест Хьюм , рожденный в британской Индии Джон Лоуренс Гохин , рожденный в британской Индии Джон Уильям Теодор Янгс , Беатрис Мэриан Смит , Анна Сара Куглер , Уильям Х. Уайзер , Джулия Джейкобс Харпстер , Шарлотта С. Вайкофф , Изабелла Тобурн и американский эмигрант, ставший борцом за свободу Индии, Сатьянанда Стоукс .
Семья Скаддер была известна своей миссионерской работой в Индии на протяжении многих поколений, особенно в области медицины, образования и христианского евангелизма. Под руководством доктора Джона Скаддера-старшего , который прибыл в Южную Азию в 1819 году в качестве одного из первых медицинских миссионеров, отправленных Американским советом уполномоченных по иностранным миссиям (ABCFM), семья основала больницы и аптеки по всему региону. Доктор Джон Скаддер-младший продолжил это наследие, основав миссию Аркот в Веллоре, Тамил Наду, а затем Цейлонскую миссию в Шри-Ланке. В частности, доктор Ида Скаддер, внучка доктора Джона Скаддера-старшего, основала Христианский медицинский колледж и больницу в Веллоре в 1900 году, которые с тех пор стали одним из ведущих медицинских учреждений Индии. Неизменная приверженность семьи Скаддер здравоохранению и образованию оказала длительное влияние на социальный и медицинский ландшафт Индии, вдохновляя поколения миссионеров и специалистов в области здравоохранения. [55]
В 1930-х и начале 1940-х годов президент США Франклин Д. Рузвельт выразил решительную поддержку движению за независимость Индии, несмотря на то, что они были союзниками Великобритании. [56] [57] Первая значительная иммиграция из Индии до 1965 года была связана с фермерами-сикхами, отправившимися в Калифорнию в начале двадцатого века. [58]
Дело «Соединенные Штаты против Бхагата Сингха Тинда» стало знаковым судебным делом в Соединенных Штатах, которое затронуло вопросы иммиграции, гражданства и расы. В 1920 году Бхагат Сингх Тинд, индийский сикх, подал заявление на натурализацию в соответствии с Законом о натурализации 1906 года , который разрешал натурализацию только для «свободных белых людей» и «лиц африканского происхождения или происхождения». Тинд утверждал, что его индийское происхождение из высшей касты соответствовало научному определению «кавказца», тем самым давая ему право на гражданство». [59]
Дело дошло до Верховного суда США в 1923 году. Однако суд единогласно вынес решение против Тинда, заявив, что, хотя он действительно может соответствовать научной классификации «кавказца», термин «белый человек» в законах о натурализации был истолкован как применимый исключительно к лицам европейского происхождения. Суд утверждал, что Конгресс не намеревался включать в этот термин лиц из Азии.
Это кардинальное решение имело далеко идущие последствия не только для Тинд, но и для бесчисленного множества других выходцев из Южной Азии, стремящихся к гражданству США. Оно создало правовой прецедент, который явно исключил выходцев из Южной Азии из числа «белых» для целей натурализации, фактически запретив им путь к гражданству.
Несмотря на неудачу, Бхагат Сингх Тинд остался в Соединенных Штатах, внося значительный вклад в качестве лектора и писателя о сикхизме и индийской культуре. Его упорство перед лицом правовых невзгод подчеркивает устойчивость маргинализированных сообществ в навигации по дискриминационным правовым рамкам.
Дело United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind является важной вехой в истории права США, проливая свет на сложные взаимосвязи иммиграции, гражданства и расовой идентичности. Оно служит острым напоминанием о предубеждениях, укоренившихся в иммиграционном законодательстве, и сложностях расовых классификаций в американском обществе.
Во время Второй мировой войны 1941–1945 годов Индия стала главной базой для Американского театра военных действий в Китае и Бирме (CBI) в войне против Японии. Десятки тысяч американских военнослужащих прибыли, привезя с собой всевозможные передовые технологии и валюту; они ушли в 1945 году. Серьёзная напряжённость возникла из-за американских требований, во главе с президентом США Франклином Д. Рузвельтом , предоставить Индии независимость, предложение, которое Черчилль яростно отверг. В течение многих лет Рузвельт поощрял британский выход из Индии. Американская позиция основывалась на несогласии с тем, что у европейцев есть колонии, и практической обеспокоенности исходом войны, а также на ожидании большой роли Америки в эпоху после обретения независимости. Черчилль пригрозил уйти в отставку, если Рузвельт продолжит настаивать на своём, заставив Рузвельта отступить. [60] [61] Между тем, Индия стала главной американской базой для переброски помощи в Китай. Во время Второй мировой войны аэропорт Панагарх в индийской провинции Бенгалия использовался в качестве аэродрома снабжения с 1942 по 1945 год Десятой воздушной армией ВВС США , а также в качестве ремонтно-технического депо для тяжелых бомбардировщиков B-24 Liberator Командованием технической службы ВВС . [62] [63]
Соединенные Штаты при администрации Трумэна склонялись к поддержке Индии в конце 1940-х годов, поскольку большинство американских планировщиков считали Индию более ценной в дипломатическом плане, чем соседний Пакистан. [64] Однако во время холодной войны политика нейтралитета Неру была обременительной для многих американских наблюдателей. Американские официальные лица воспринимали политику неприсоединения Индии негативно. Посол Генри Ф. Грейди сказал тогдашнему премьер-министру Индии Джавахарлалу Неру , что Соединенные Штаты не считают нейтралитет приемлемой позицией. Грейди сказал Государственному департаменту в декабре 1947 года, что он сообщил Неру, «что это вопрос, который нельзя урегулировать, и что Индия должна немедленно встать на сторону демократии». [65] В 1948 году Неру отклонил американские предложения по разрешению кашмирского кризиса посредством посредничества третьей стороны. [66]
Поездка Неру в Соединенные Штаты в 1949 году была «недипломатической катастрофой», которая оставила плохие чувства у обеих сторон. [67] Неру и его главный помощник В. К. Кришна Менон обсуждали, должна ли Индия «в какой-то степени объединиться с Соединенными Штатами и наращивать нашу экономическую и военную мощь». [68] Администрация Трумэна была весьма благосклонна и дала понять, что даст Неру все, о чем он попросит. Неру отказался и тем самым лишился возможности получить в дар один миллион тонн пшеницы. [69] Государственный секретарь США Дин Ачесон признал потенциальную мировую роль Неру, но добавил, что он был «одним из самых сложных людей, с которыми мне когда-либо приходилось иметь дело». [70] Американский визит имел некоторые преимущества в том, что Неру получил широкое понимание и поддержку своей страны, а сам он приобрел гораздо более глубокое понимание американских взглядов. [71]
Индия отвергла американский совет не признавать коммунистическое завоевание Китая, но поддержала США, когда они поддержали резолюцию ООН 1950 года, осуждающую агрессию Северной Кореи в Корейской войне . Индия пыталась выступить в качестве посредника, чтобы помочь положить конец войне, и служила каналом для дипломатических сообщений между США и Китаем. Хотя индийские войска не принимали участия в войне, Индия отправила медицинский корпус из 346 армейских врачей, чтобы помочь стороне ООН. [72] Тем временем, плохие урожаи вынудили Индию обратиться за американской помощью для обеспечения ее продовольственной безопасности, которая была предоставлена, начиная с 1950 года . [73] За первые двенадцать лет независимости Индии (1947–59) США предоставили 1 700 000 000 долларов США в качестве помощи; включая 931 000 000 долларов США в виде продовольствия. Советский Союз предоставил примерно половину этой суммы в денежном выражении, однако сделал гораздо больший вклад в натуральном выражении, приняв форму инфраструктурной помощи, льготных кредитов, передачи технических знаний, экономического планирования и навыков, задействованных в областях сталелитейных заводов , машиностроения , гидроэнергетики и других тяжелых отраслей промышленности, особенно ядерной энергетики и космических исследований . [74] В 1961 году США пообещали $1 000 000 000 в виде кредитов на развитие, в дополнение к $1 300 000 000 бесплатной еды. [75] Чтобы ослабить напряженность, Эйзенхауэр отправил Джона Шермана Купера в качестве посла в 1956–57 годах. Купер очень хорошо ладил с Неру. [76]
С точки зрения риторики, Джавахарлал Неру — как премьер-министр и министр иностранных дел (1947–64) — пропагандировал моралистическую риторику, нападая как на советский блок, так и на США и их блок. Вместо этого Неру пытался построить движение неприсоединения, уделяя особое внимание многим новым странам в Третьем мире, освободившимся от европейского колониального статуса в то время. Президент Дуайт Д. Эйзенхауэр и его государственный секретарь Джон Фостер Даллес сами использовали моралистическую риторику, чтобы нападать на зло коммунизма. [77]
В 1959 году Эйзенхауэр стал первым президентом США, посетившим Индию, чтобы укрепить шаткие связи между двумя странами. Он был настолько благосклонен, что New York Times заметила: «Кажется, не имело большого значения, действительно ли Неру запросил или получил гарантию того, что США помогут Индии противостоять дальнейшей китайской коммунистической агрессии. Значение имело очевидное укрепление индо-американской дружбы до такой степени, что в такой гарантии не было необходимости». [78]
Во время президентства Джона Ф. Кеннеди с 1961 по 1963 год Индия считалась стратегическим партнером и противовесом подъему коммунистического Китая. Кеннеди сказал: [79]
«Китайские коммунисты двигались вперед последние 10 лет. Индия добилась определенного прогресса, но если Индия не добьется успеха со своим 450-миллионным населением, если она не сможет добиться свободы, то люди во всем мире поймут, особенно в слаборазвитых странах, что единственный способ развивать свои ресурсы — это коммунистическая система».
Отношения резко ухудшились, когда Индия аннексировала португальскую колонию Гоа в 1961 году, в ходе которой администрация Кеннеди осудила вооруженные действия индийского правительства и потребовала, чтобы все индийские войска были безоговорочно выведены с территории Гоа, в то же время сократив все ассигнования иностранной помощи Индии на 25 процентов. [80] В ответ Менон , теперь министр обороны , прочитал Кеннеди лекцию о важности американо-советского компромисса и отверг увещевания Кеннеди и Стивенсона как «пережитки западного империализма». [81] Администрация Кеннеди открыто поддерживала Индию во время китайско-индийской войны 1962 года и считала действия Китая «вопиющей китайской коммунистической агрессией против Индии». [82] [83] Военно -воздушные силы США доставляли индийским войскам оружие, боеприпасы и обмундирование, а ВМС США отправили авианосец USS Kitty Hawk из Тихого океана в Индию, хотя он был отозван до того, как достиг Бенгальского залива, поскольку кризис миновал. [84] [85] На заседании Совета национальной безопасности в мае 1963 года Соединенные Штаты обсуждали планирование действий в чрезвычайных ситуациях, которое могло бы быть реализовано в случае новой агрессии Китая против Индии. Министр обороны Роберт Макнамара и генерал Максвелл Тейлор посоветовали президенту применить ядерное оружие , если американцы вмешаются в такой ситуации. Кеннеди настаивал на том, чтобы Вашингтон защищал Индию, как любого союзника, заявив: «Мы должны защищать Индию, и поэтому мы будем защищать Индию». [86] [87] Послом Кеннеди в Индии был известный либеральный экономист Джон Кеннет Гэлбрейт , которого считали близким к Индии. [88] Находясь в Индии, Гэлбрейт помог создать один из первых индийских факультетов компьютерных наук в Индийском технологическом институте в Канпуре, штат Уттар-Прадеш .
После убийства Кеннеди в 1963 году отношения между Индией и США постепенно ухудшались. В то время как преемник Кеннеди Линдон Б. Джонсон стремился поддерживать отношения с Индией, чтобы противостоять коммунистическому Китаю, он также стремился укрепить связи с Пакистаном в надежде ослабить напряженность с Китаем и ослабить растущее военное наращивание Индии. [89] Затем отношения достигли рекордно низкого уровня при администрации Никсона в начале 1970-х годов. Никсон отошел от нейтральной позиции, которую его предшественники занимали в отношении военных действий между Индией и Пакистаном. Он установил очень тесные отношения с Пакистаном, помогая ему в военном и экономическом плане, поскольку Индия, теперь находящаяся под руководством Индиры Ганди , склонялась к Советскому Союзу. Он считал Пакистан очень важным союзником для противодействия советскому влиянию на Индийском субконтиненте и установления связей с Китаем, с которым Пакистан был очень близок. [90] Холодные личные отношения между Никсоном и Индирой еще больше способствовали плохим отношениям между двумя странами. [91] Во время индо-пакистанской войны 1971 года США открыто поддержали Пакистан и направили свой авианосец USS Enterprise в Бенгальский залив, что было расценено США как демонстрация силы в поддержку западно-пакистанских сил. [92] Позже в 1974 году Индия провела свое первое ядерное испытание, Smiling Buddha , против которого выступили США, однако они также пришли к выводу, что испытание не нарушало никаких соглашений, и в июне 1974 года продолжили поставку обогащенного урана для реактора в Тарапуре . [93] [94]
В конце 1970-х годов, когда лидер партии Джаната Морарджи Десаи стал премьер-министром, Индия улучшила свои отношения с США во главе с Джимми Картером , несмотря на то, что последний подписал в 1978 году указ, запрещающий экспорт ядерных материалов в Индию из-за политики Индии по нераспространению ядерного оружия. [95]
Несмотря на возвращение Индиры Ганди к власти в 1980 году, отношения между двумя странами продолжали постепенно улучшаться, хотя Индия не поддерживала Соединенные Штаты в их роли во вторжении Советского Союза и оккупации Афганистана . Министр иностранных дел Индии П. В. Нарасимха Рао выразил «серьезную обеспокоенность» решением Соединенных Штатов «перевооружить» Пакистан; обе страны тесно сотрудничали, чтобы противостоять Советам в Афганистане. [96] Администрация Рейгана во главе с президентом США Рональдом Рейганом оказала ограниченную помощь Индии. Индия прощупывала Вашингтон относительно покупки ряда американских оборонных технологий, включая самолеты F-5, суперкомпьютеры, очки ночного видения и радары. В 1984 году Вашингтон одобрил поставку в Индию отдельных технологий, включая газовые турбины для военно-морских фрегатов и двигатели для прототипов легких боевых самолетов Индии. Также имели место негласные передачи технологий, включая привлечение американской компании Continental Electronics к проектированию и строительству новой станции связи ОНЧ в Тирунелвели в Тамил Наду , которая была введена в эксплуатацию в конце 1980-х годов. [97]
При Билле Клинтоне (президент 1993–2001) и П. В. Нарасимхе Рао (премьер-министр 1991–1996) обе стороны неправильно строили отношения, по словам Артура Г. Рубиноффа. Клинтон одновременно оказывал давление на Индию, требуя либерализации экономики, и критиковал Нью-Дели по вопросам прав человека и ядерной проблематики. Перед лицом критики со стороны Вашингтона и оппозиции дома индийские лидеры утратили энтузиазм по поводу сближения и вернулись к формальному протоколу вместо содержательной дипломатии. Поправка Брауна, которая восстановила американскую помощь Пакистану в 1995 году, была раздражителем. Возвращаясь к риторике в стиле холодной войны, индийские парламентарии и американские конгрессмены продемонстрировали свое нежелание устанавливать новые отношения. [98] [99]
Вскоре после того, как Атал Бихари Ваджпаи стал премьер-министром Индии, он санкционировал испытания ядерного оружия в Покхране . Соединенные Штаты решительно осудили эти испытания, пообещали санкции и проголосовали за резолюцию Совета Безопасности ООН, осуждающую испытания. Президент Билл Клинтон ввел экономические санкции против Индии, включая прекращение всей военной и экономической помощи, заморозку кредитов американских банков государственным индийским компаниям, запрет на выдачу кредитов индийскому правительству для всех, кроме закупок продовольствия, запрет на американские аэрокосмические технологии и экспорт урана в Индию и требование к США противостоять всем запросам Индии на получение кредитов в международные кредитные агентства. [100] Однако эти санкции оказались неэффективными — Индия переживала сильный экономический подъем, а ее торговля с США составляла лишь небольшую часть ее ВВП . Только Япония присоединилась к США, введя прямые санкции, в то время как большинство других стран продолжали торговать с Индией. Санкции вскоре были сняты. После этого администрация Клинтона и премьер-министр Ваджпаи обменялись представителями, чтобы помочь восстановить отношения. [101] В марте 2000 года Клинтон посетил Индию, проведя двусторонние и экономические переговоры с Ваджпаи. Это стало первой поездкой президента США в Индию с 1978 года. [102] Во время визита был создан Индо-американский форум по науке и технологиям . [103]
В ходе улучшения дипломатических отношений с администрацией Буша Индия согласилась на пристальный международный мониторинг разработки своего ядерного оружия, хотя и отказалась отказаться от своего нынешнего ядерного арсенала. [104] В 2004 году США решили предоставить Пакистану статус главного союзника, не входящего в НАТО (MNNA). США продлили стратегические рабочие отношения MNNA с Индией, но предложение было отклонено. [105] [106] После атак 11 сентября 2001 года на США президент Джордж Буш-младший тесно сотрудничал с Индией в контроле и патрулировании стратегически важных морских путей в Индийском океане от Суэцкого канала до Сингапура . [101]
During the George W. Bush administration, relations between India and the United States blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremism, energy security, and climate change.[107] George W. Bush commented, "India is a great example of democracy. It is very devout, has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their religion. The world needs India".[108] Journalist Fareed Zakaria, in his book The Post-American World, described Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history."[109] Similar sentiments are echoed by Rejaul Karim Laskar, a scholar of Indian foreign policy and ideologue of Indian National Congress – the largest constituent of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). According to Laskar, the UPA rule has seen a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues, including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean energy, counter-terrorism, etc".[110]
After the December 2004 tsunami, the US and Indian navies cooperated in search and rescue operations and in the reconstruction of affected areas.[111] Since 2004, Washington and New Delhi have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives, including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation, are underway. First launched in 2005, cooperation on nuclear weapons reversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also in 2005, United States and India signed a ten-year defense framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India were concluded.[112] An Open Skies Agreement was signed in April 2005, enhancing trade, tourism, and business via the increased number of flights,[113] and Air India purchased 68 US Boeing aircraft at a cost of $8 billion.[114] The United States and India also signed a bilateral Agreement on Science and Technology Cooperation in 2005.[115] After Hurricane Katrina, India donated $5 million to the American Red Cross and sent two planeloads of relief supplies and materials to help.[116] Then, on 1 March 2006, President Bush made another diplomatic visit to further expand relations between India and the U.S.[117] The value of all bilateral trade tripled from 2004 to 2008 and continued to grow, while significant two-way investment also grows and flourishes.[118] The political influence of a large Indian-American community is reflected in the largest country-specific caucus in the United States Congress,[119] while between 2009 and 2010 more than 100,000 Indian students have attended American colleges and universities.[120] In November 2010, President Barack Obama visited India and addressed a joint session of the Indian Parliament,[121] where he backed India's bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.[122]
In March 2009, the Obama administration cleared the US$2.1 billion sale of eight P-8 Poseidons to India.[123] This deal, and the $5 billion agreement to provide Boeing C-17 military transport aircraft and General Electric F414 engines announced during Obama's November 2010 visit, made the US one of the top three military suppliers to India (after Israel and Russia).[124]
US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen encouraged stronger military ties between the two nations, and said that "India has emerged as an increasingly important strategic partner [of the US]".[125] US Undersecretary of State William J. Burns also said, "Never has there been a moment when India and America mattered more to each other."[126] The Deputy Secretary of Defense, Ashton Carter, during his address to the Asia Society in New York City on August 1, 2012, said that India–US relationship has a global scope, in terms of the reach and influence of both countries. He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations between their defense and research organizations.[127]
India, in July and November 2013, demanded that the U.S. respond to allegations that the Indian UN mission in New York City and the Indian Embassy in Washington, D.C. had been targeted for spying.[128] On July 2, 2014, U.S. diplomats were summoned by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to discuss allegations that the National Security Agency had spied upon private individuals and political entities within India.[129][130] A 2010 document leaked by Edward Snowden and published by The Washington Post revealed that US intelligence agencies had been authorized to spy on the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (who was then the chief minister of Gujarat).[131][132]
WikiLeaks revelations that Western intelligence agencies have used foreign aid workers and staff at non-governmental organizations as non-official cover prompted India to step-up the monitoring of satellite phones and movement of personnel working for humanitarian relief organisations and development aid agencies in the vicinity of sensitive locations.[133][134]
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According to some analysts,[who?] India–U.S. relations have been strained over the Obama administration's approach to Pakistan and the handling of the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan.[135][136] India's National Security Adviser M. K. Narayanan criticized the Obama administration for linking the Kashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree."[137] Foreign Policy in February 2009 also criticized Obama's approach to South Asia, saying that "India can be a part of the solution rather than part of the problem" in South Asia. It also suggested that India take a more proactive role in rebuilding Afghanistan, irrespective of the attitude of the Obama administration.[138] In a clear indication of the growing rift between the two countries, India decided not to accept a US invitation to attend a conference on Afghanistan at the end of February 2009.[citation needed] Bloomberg has also reported that, since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the public mood in India has been to pressure Pakistan more aggressively to take actions against the culprits behind the terrorist attack, and that this might reflect on the upcoming Indian general elections in May 2009. Consequently, the Obama administration may find itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism.[139]
In the early 2010s, India and US governments have differed on a variety of regional issues ranging from America's military relations with Pakistan and India's cordial relations with Russia to foreign policy disagreements relating to Iran, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar and Bangladesh.[140][141]
Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, dismissed any concerns over a rift with India regarding American Af-Pak policy. Calling India and the United States "natural allies",[142] Blake said that the United States cannot afford to meet the strategic priorities in Pakistan and Afghanistan at "the expense of India".[143]
India criticized the Obama administration's decision to limit H-1B (temporary) visas, and India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (later, the president of India until 2017) said that India would oppose US "protectionism" at various international forums.[144] India's Commerce Minister Kamal Nath said that India may move against Obama's outsourcing policies at the World Trade Organization.[145]
In May 2009, Obama reiterated his anti-outsourcing views and criticized the current US tax policy "that says you should pay lower taxes if you create a job in Bangalore, India, than if you create one in Buffalo, New York."[146] However, during the US India Business Council meeting in June 2009, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton advocated for stronger economic ties between India and the United States. She also rebuked protectionist policies, saying that "[United States] will not use the global financial crisis as an excuse to fall back on protectionism. We hope India will work with us to create a more open, equitable set of opportunities for trade between our nations."[147]
In June 2010, the United States and India formally re-engaged the US-India Strategic Dialogue initiated under President Bush when a large delegation of high-ranking Indian officials, led by External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna, visited Washington, D.C. As leader of the US delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an indispensable partner and a trusted friend".[148] President Obama appeared briefly at a United States Department of State reception to declare his firm belief that America's relationship with India "will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century."[149] The Strategic Dialogue produced a joint statement in which the two countries pledged to "deepen people-to-people, business-to-business, and government-to-government linkages ... for the mutual benefit of both countries and for the promotion of global peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity."[150] It outlined extensive bilateral initiatives in ten key areas: (1) advancing global security and countering terrorism, (2) disarmament and nonproliferation, (3) trade and economic relations, (4) high technology, (5) energy security, clean energy, and climate change, (6) agriculture, (7) education, (8) health, (9) science and technology, and (10) development.[151]
In November 2010, Obama became the second US president (after Richard Nixon in 1969) to undertake a visit to India in his first term in office. On 8 November, Obama also became the second US president (after Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1959) to ever address a joint session of the Parliament of India. In a major policy shift, Obama declared US support for India's permanent membership on the UN Security Council.[152][153] Calling the India–U.S. relationship "a defining partnership of the 21st century", he also announced the removal of export control restrictions on several Indian companies, and concluded trade deals worth $10 billion, which are expected to create and/or support 50,000 jobs in the US.[154]
In December 2013, Devyani Khobragade, the Deputy Consul General of India in New York, was arrested and accused by U.S. federal prosecutors of submitting false work visa documents and paying her housekeeper "far less than the minimum legal wage."[155] The ensuing incident caused protests from the Indian government and a rift in relations, with outrage expressed that Khobragade was strip-searched and held in the general inmate population.[155] Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that Khobragade's treatment was "deplorable".[156]
India demanded an apology from the U.S. over her alleged "humiliation" and called for the charges to be dropped, which the U.S. declined to do.[157] The Indian government retaliated for what it viewed as the mistreatment of its consular official by revoking the ID cards and other privileges of U.S. consular personnel and their families in India and removing security barriers in front of the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi.[158]
The Indian government also blocked non-diplomats from using the American Community Support Association (ACSA) club and American Embassy Club in New Delhi, ordering these social clubs to cease all commercial activities benefiting non-diplomatic personnel by 16 January 2014.[159] The ACSA club operates a bar, bowling alley, swimming pool, restaurant, video rentals club, indoor gym and a beauty parlour within the embassy premises.[160][161] Tax-free import clearances given to US diplomats and consular officials for importing food, alcohol and other domestic items were revoked with immediate effect. U.S. embassy vehicles and staff were no longer immune from penalties for traffic violations. American diplomats were asked to show work contracts for all domestic help (cooks, gardeners, drivers and security staff) employed within their households.[162] Indian authorities also conducted an investigation into the American Embassy School.[163][164][165]
Nancy J. Powell, the U.S. ambassador to India, resigned following the incident, which was widely seen by India "as fallout from the imbroglio."[166] Some commentators suggested that the incident and response could lead to wider damage in U.S.–India relations.[167][168] Former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha called for the arrest of same-sex companions of US diplomats, citing the Supreme Court of India's upholding of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code whereby homosexuality is illegal in India.[169][170] Former State Department legal advisor John Bellinger questioned whether the decision to arrest and detain Khobragade was "wise policy ... even if technically permissible" under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, while Robert D. Blackwill, the former U.S. ambassador to India from 2001 to 2003, said the incident was "stupid."[171][172] Nevertheless, within a year of the incident, U.S.-India relations were warming again, as U.S. President Obama visited India in January 2015.[166]
Sectarian violence during the 2002 Gujarat riots damaged relations between the US Government and Narendra Modi, then incumbent chief minister of Gujarat. Human rights activists accused Modi of fostering anti-Muslim violence and persistently violating human rights agreements. New York based non-governmental organization Human Rights Watch, in their 2002 report directly implicated Gujarat state officials in the violence against Muslims.[173] In 2005, the US Department of State used a 1998 International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) provision to revoke Modi's tourist/business visa citing section 212 (a) (2) (g) of the US Immigration and Nationality Act.[174] The IRFA provision "makes any foreign government official who 'was responsible for or directly carried out, at any time, particularly severe violations of religious freedom' ineligible for a visa to the United States". In 2012, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Indian Supreme Court found no "prosecutable evidence" against Modi.[175][176] The Court absolved Modi of any criminal wrongdoing during the riots.
Prior to Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister of India, the US Government had made it known that Modi as Chief Minister of Gujarat would not be permitted to travel to the US. Michael Kugelman of the Wilson Center opined that although technically speaking there was no US 'visa ban' from 2005 to 2014, the US government policy of considering Modi as persona non grata had resulted in a de facto travel-ban.[177] After the US revoked his existing B1/B2 visa in 2005 and refused to accept his application for an A2 visa, the US State Department affirmed that the visa policy remained unchanged : "(Mr Modi) is welcome to apply for a visa and await a review like any other applicant".[178][179] Exploring opportunities on how to move the relationship out of a state of morose, Lisa Curtis, senior research fellow for South Asia in the Asian Studies Center of The Heritage Foundation, says that, "the U.S. must first signal its willingness and commitment to collaborating with the new government—and that it will not dwell on the controversy of the 2002 Gujarat riots, which led the U.S. to revoke Modi's visa in 2005."[180] In 2009, the U.S. Commission for International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) report[181] after ignoring the views and decision of independent body (SIT) set up by India's highest judiciary[182] vehemently alleged that there was "significant evidence" linking Narendra Modi to communal riots in the state in 2002 and asked the Obama administration to continue the policy of preventing him from travelling to the United States of America .[183][184]
The Obama administration maintained the 2005 decision taken by the George W. Bush administration to deny Narendra Modi entry into the United States of America.[185] The US Government says that Modi can circumvent the USCIRF sanctions regime by visiting Washington on a Heads of government A1-visa as long as he is the Prime Minister of India.[186] According to US State Department Spokesperson, Jen Psaki : "US law exempts foreign government officials, including heads of state and heads of government from certain potential inadmissibility grounds". The visa refusal came after some Indian-American groups and human rights organizations with political view campaigned against Modi, including the Coalition Against Genocide.[187]
On June 11, 2014, Robert Blackwill, the former Coordinator for Strategic Planning and Deputy US National Security Advisor during the presidency of George W. Bush, spoke at length about India–U.S. relations and said : "Mr Modi is a determined leader. He is candid and frank. I also worked with him during the Gujarat earthquake when I was posted as (the US) ambassador to India. ... It was mistake by the current Obama administration to delay engagement with Mr Modi. I do not know why they did so but definitely, this did not help in building relationship. ... The old formula and stereotypes will not work if the US administration wants to engage with Mr Modi. The Indian prime minister is candid, direct and smart. He speaks his mind. The US administration also has to engage in candid conversation when Mr Modi meets President Obama later this year. They have to do something innovative to engage with him."[188] Nicholas Burns, former U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs from 2005 to 2008, has spoken about the visa denial by saying: "Bush administration officials, including me, believed this to be the right decision at the time."[189][190] and has opined that "Now that it looks like Modi will become prime minister, it's reasonable for the Obama administration to say it's been 12 years [since the 2002 riots], and we'll be happy to deal with him"[191]
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India–United States relations have improved significantly during the Premiership of Narendra Modi since 2014.[192] At present, India and the US share an extensive and expanding cultural, strategic, military, and economic relationship[193][194][195] which is in the phase of implementing confidence building measures (CBM) to overcome the legacy of trust deficit – brought about by adversarial US foreign policies[196][197] and multiple instances of technology denial[198][199][200] – which have plagued the relationship over several decades.[201]
Key recent developments include the rapid growth of India's economy, closer ties between the Indian and American industries especially in the Information and communications technology (ICT), engineering and medical sectors, an informal entente to manage an increasingly assertive China, robust cooperation on counter-terrorism, the deterioration of U.S.-Pakistan relations, easing of export controls over dual-use goods & technologies (99% of licenses applied for are now approved),[202] and reversal of long-standing American opposition to India's strategic program.
Income creation in the USA through knowledge-based employment by Asian Indians has outpaced every other ethnic group according to U.S. Census data.[203] Growing financial and political clout of the affluent Asian Indian diaspora is noteworthy. Indian American households are the most prosperous in the US with a median revenue of US$100,000 and are followed by Chinese Americans at US$65,000. The average household revenue in the USA is US$63,000.[204]
The 2014 State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report appeared to classify the Khobragade incident as an example of human trafficking, stating: "An Indian consular officer at the New York consulate was indicted in December 2013 for visa fraud related to her alleged exploitation of an Indian domestic worker."[205] In response, India has shown no urgency to allow visits to India by the newly appointed US anti-human trafficking ambassador Susan P. Coppedge and the US special envoy for LGBT rights Randy Berry. Under Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code homosexuality was illegal in India. Indian Ambassador to the US, Arun K. Singh reiterated India's commitment to work within an international framework to tackle the problem of trafficking but rejected any "unilateral assessments" by another country saying "We will never accept it" and downplayed the importance of the visits: "When you ask a U.S. official when somebody will be given a visa, they always say 'we will assess when visa is applied for.' ... I can do no better than to reiterate the U.S. position."[206]
In February 2016, the Obama administration notified the US Congress that it intended to provide Pakistan eight nuclear-capable F-16 fighters and assorted military goods including eight AN/APG-68(V)9 airborne radars and eight ALQ-211(V)9 electronic warfare suites[207][208] despite strong reservations from US lawmakers regarding the transfer of any nuclear weapons capable platforms to Pakistan.[209] Shashi Tharoor, an elected representative from the Congress party in India, questioned the substance of India–U.S. ties: "I am very disappointed to hear this news. The truth is that continuing to escalate the quality of arms available to an irresponsible regime that has sent terrorists to India, and in the name of anti-terrorism, is cynicism of the highest order".[210] The Indian Government summoned the US Ambassador to India to convey its disapproval regarding the sale of F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan.[211]
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In February 2017, Indian ambassador to the U.S. Navtej Sarna hosted a reception for the National Governors Association (NGA), which was attended by the Governors of 25 states and senior representatives of 3 more states. This was the first time such an event has occurred. Explaining the reason for the gathering, Virginia Governor and NGA Chair Terry McAuliffe stated that "India is America's greatest strategic partner". He further added, "We clearly understand the strategic importance of India, of India–U.S. relations. As we grow our 21st century economy, India has been so instrumental in helping us build our technology, medical professions. We recognise a country that has been such a close strategic ally of the US. That's why we the Governors are here tonight." McAuliffe, who has visited India 15 times, also urged other Governors to visit the country with trade delegations to take advantage of opportunities.[212]
In October 2018, India inked the historic agreement worth US$5.43 billion with Russia to procure four S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile defence system, one of the most powerful missile defence systems in the world ignoring America's CAATSA act. The U.S. threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buy the S-400 missile defense system from Russia.[213] The United States also threatened India with sanctions over India's decision to buy oil from Iran.[214] According to the President of the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum (USISPF), Mukesh Aghi: "sanctions would have a disastrous effect on U.S.-India relations for decades to come. In India’s eyes, the United States would once again be regarded as untrustworthy."[215] The Trump administration avoided sanctioning India for the Russian S-400 missile system, but sanctioned Turkey and China for the same purchases.[216]
President Trump has grown closer to India's BJP government, which shares the similar right-wing views, he has repeatedly praised Modi's leadership and avoided any negative criticism of the Indian government's actions on the citizenship and Kashmir disputes.[217][218] The Trump administration is consistent with the Modi administration in combating "radical Islamic terrorism",[219] and the US reiterates its support for India's elimination of terrorist training camp in Pakistan.[220][221]
In early 2020, India provided its agreement for terminating an export embargo on a medicinal drug known as hydroxychloroquine amidst the combat against the ongoing coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, after Trump threatened retaliation against India, if it did not comply with terminating the export embargo on hydroxychloroquine.[222][223] In June 2020, during the George Floyd protests, the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial in Washington, D.C., was vandalised by unknown miscreants on the intervening night of June 2 and 3. The incident prompted the Indian Embassy to register a complaint with law enforcement agencies. Taranjit Singh Sandhu, the Indian Ambassador to the United States called the vandalism "a crime against humanity".[224][225] U.S. President Donald Trump called the defacement of Mahatma Gandhi's statue a "disgrace".[226]
On 21 December 2020, President of the United States Donald Trump awarded Modi with the Legion of Merit for elevating India–United States relations. The Legion of Merit was awarded to Modi along with Prime Minister of Australia Scott Morrison and former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe, the "original architects" of the QUAD.[227][228]
US-India ties began to strain in April 2021 when India faced a massive spike in COVID-19 infections. The US had invoked the Defense Production Act of 1950 to ban the export of raw materials needed to produce vaccines in order to prioritize domestic vaccine production.[229] According to The Times of India, this also caused an explosion of anti-US sentiment in India, as the U.S. had vaccine reserves and refused to share COVID-19 vaccine patents.[230] This came after a plea by Adar Poonawalla, CEO of the Serum Institute of India, to lift the embargo on export of raw materials needed to ramp up production of COVID-19 vaccines, was rejected.[223] However, in late April, right after a phone call with Ajit Doval, the National Security Advisor of India, the Biden administration stated it would make raw materials necessary for production of the Oxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine available to India, and began to send more than ₹714 crore (equivalent to ₹801 crore or US$96 million in 2023) worth of drug treatments, rapid diagnostic tests, ventilators, personal protective equipment, and mechanical parts needed to manufacture vaccines to India, along with a team of public health experts from the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The US also stated that it planned to finance the expansion of Biological E. Limited, an Indian-based COVID-19 vaccine production company.[231][232][233][234] India entered negotiations with the US after it declared that it would share 60 million Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccines with the world.[235]
On April 7, 2021, The United States Navy guided missile destroyer USS John Paul Jones sailed through India's Exclusive Economic Zone, without New Delhi's prior consent, then publicly announced the event, causing a diplomatic spat.[236][237] At a time when the United States and India had been deepening relations, such a move had raised eyebrows among the general public in both India and the United States. As per the official statement by the United States Navy's 7th Fleet, "On April 7, 2021 (local time) USS John Paul Jones (DDG 53) asserted navigational rights and freedoms approximately 130 nautical miles west of the Lakshadweep Islands, inside India’s exclusive economic zone, without requesting India’s prior consent, consistent with international law". India requires prior consent for military exercises or maneuvers in its exclusive economic zone or continental shelf, a claim inconsistent with international law. This freedom of navigation operation ("FONOP") upheld the rights, freedoms, and lawful uses of the sea recognized in international law by challenging India's excessive maritime claims. The Statement further added, "U.S. Forces operate in the Indo-Pacific region on a daily basis. All operations are designed in accordance with international law and demonstrate that the United States will fly, sail and operate wherever international law allows."[238] The Pentagon defended the 7th Fleet's statement by claiming that the event was consistent with international law.[237]
The Indian Ministry of External Affairs released its statement after much media attention, the statement said, "The Government of India's stated position on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea is that the Convention does not authorize other States to carry out in the Exclusive Economic Zone and on the continental shelf, military exercises or maneuvers, in particular those involving the use of weapons or explosives, without the consent of the coastal state", it further added, "The USS John Paul Jones was continuously monitored transiting from the Persian Gulf towards the Malacca Straits. We have conveyed our concerns regarding this passage through our EEZ to the Government of USA through diplomatic channels."[236][239] Former Chief of Naval Staff of the Indian Navy, Admiral Arun Prakash, commented on the event by tweeting "There is irony here. While India ratified [the] UN Law of the Seas in 1995, the US has failed to do it so far. For the 7th Fleet to carry out FoN missions in Indian EEZ in violation of our domestic law is bad enough. But publicizing it? USN please switch on IFF!". He further tweeted, "FoN ops by USN ships (ineffective as they may be) in South China Sea, are meant to convey a message to China that the putative EEZ around the artificial SCS islands is an 'excessive maritime claim.' But what is the 7th Fleet message for India?"[240][241]
Although there are certain differences over the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the United States and India have strengthened cooperation in defense, semiconductors, critical minerals, space, climate, education, healthcare and other fields during the Joe Biden presidency.[242] Biden also called the ties with India is "one of the defining relationships of the 21st Century".[243] Modi and Biden reiterated the call for concerted action against all groups identified by the United Nations as terrorist organisations, including Al-Qaeda, ISIS (Daesh), Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) and Hizb-ul-Mujhahideen (HuM). Also mentioned the Afghan Taliban authorities and Pakistan should to stop terrorism.[244][245] The joint statement declared that two countries have strong ties spanning "seas to stars".[246]
In November 2023, it has been reported that US authorities prevented a plot to assassinate Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a Sikh separatist leader of the Khalistan movement, within American borders.[247] Pannun has made threats to bomb the Indian Parliament and Air India flights, is now facing charges related to terrorist activities by India's NIA.[248] United States federal prosecutors have filed charges against Nikhil Gupta, an Indian national, alleging his involvement in a conspiracy with an Indian government official to carry out the assassination of Pannun.[249] India has voiced apprehension over the connection of one of its government officials to the plot, distancing itself from the incident as it contradicts government policy.[250]
The U.S. has four "foundational" agreements that it signs with its defence partners. The Pentagon describes the agreements as "routine instruments that the U.S. uses to promote military cooperation with partner-nations". American officials have stated that the agreements are not prerequisites for bilateral defence co-operation, but would make it simpler and more cost-effective to carry out activities such as refueling aircraft or ships in each other's countries and providing disaster relief.[251] The first of the four agreements, the General Security Of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), was signed by India and the U.S. in 2002. The agreement enables the sharing of military intelligence between the two countries and requires each country to protect the others' classified information.
The second agreement, the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), was signed by the two countries on 29 August 2016. The LEMOA permits the military of either country to use the others' bases for re-supplying or carrying out repairs. The agreement does not make the provision of logistical support binding on either country, and requires individual clearance for each request.[252] The third agreement, Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) was signed during the inaugural 2+2 dialogue in September 2018.[253] It is an India-specific variant of Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) that enables the two countries to share secure communication and exchange information on approved equipment during bilateral and multinational training exercises and operations. The fourth agreement, the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), signed in 2020, permits the exchange of unclassified and controlled unclassified geospatial products, topographical, nautical, and aeronautical data, products and services between India and the US National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA).[254]
Harsh V. Pant, professor of International relations at King's College London, highlighted the importance of India to US strategic planning by saying: "India is key to the US' ability to create a stable balance of power in the larger Indo-Pacific and at a time of resource constraints, it needs partners like India to shore up its sagging credibility in the region in face of Chinese onslaught." Robert Boggs, professor of South Asia Studies at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies, opines that the US "overestimates both India's desire to improve the relationship and the benefits doing so would bring".[255]
As part of America's policies to counter China,[256] one of the Trump administration policies are to make India as one of the major defence partners for which it is in talks with Indian representatives to sell highly technologically advanced predator drones.[257] India has floated a tender to buy 100 multi role fighter aircraft in the Indian MRCA competition (also called Mother of all defence deals), worth around US$15 billion under Narendra Modi's Make in India initiative. Although the deal is yet to be finalised in 2018, the Trump administration pushed for sales of advanced F-16 jet fighters,[258] and F/A-18 Super Hornet.[259]
The Indian Army and US Army conducts an annual training practice called Yudh Abhyas since 2002.[260] In June 2015, US defence secretary Ashton Carter visited India and became the first American defence secretary to visit an Indian military command. In December of the same year, Manohar Parrikar became the first Indian defence minister to visit the US Pacific Command.[261] In March 2016, India rejected a proposal by the US to join naval patrols in the South China Sea alongside Japan and Australia. Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar said: "India has never taken part in any joint patrol; we only do joint exercises. The question of joint patrol does not arise."[262]
In January 2017, Peter Lavoy, Senior Director for South Asian Affairs at the U.S. National Security Council, declared that the partnership between India and the United States under Barack Obama's administration had been "incredibly successful". Lavoy stated, "I can tell you quite definitively that due to our partnerships, several terrorism plots were foiled. Indian lives and American lives were saved because of this partnership."[263][264]
On October 27, 2020, the United States and India signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), enabling greater information-sharing and further defense cooperation, to counter China's growing military power in the region.[265] During the 2+2 ministerial dialogue the last agreement of four so-called “foundational agreements” for sharing sensitive information and sales of advanced military hardware.[266]
On August 16, 2022, US Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall said that Indian defence attaché now has un-escorted access to The Pentagon and he also added that this is commencement with our close relationship with India's status as a major defense partner," and future added that "And if you don't think un-escorted access to the Pentagon is a big deal, I can't get into The Pentagon without an escort,".[267]
During Modi's visit in 2023, the US and India agreed that Hindustan Aeronautics would jointly produce GE F-414 jet engines.[268] The two sides also reached an agreement to purchase MQ-9B drones.[242]
In 2024, both signed two key agreements to strengthen their defense cooperation: the Security of Supply Arrangement (SOSA), which allows reciprocal priority support for defense-related goods and services, and a Memorandum of Agreement to post Indian Liaison Officers in key US Commands, starting with the US Special Operations Command.[269]
In 1998, India tested nuclear weapons which resulted in several U.S., Japanese, and European sanctions on India. India's then defence minister, George Fernandes, said that India's programrogramme was necessary as it provided a deterrence to potential nuclear threats. Most of the sanctions imposed on India were removed by 2001. India has categorically stated that it will never use weapons first but will retaliate if attacked.
The economic sanctions imposed by the United States in response to India's nuclear tests in May 1998 appeared, at least initially, to seriously damage India-US relations. President Bill Clinton imposed wide-ranging sanctions pursuant to the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act. US sanctions on Indian entities involved in the nuclear industry and opposition to international financial institution loans for non-humanitarian assistance projects in India. The United States encouraged India to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) immediately and without condition. The United States also called for restraint in missile and nuclear testing and deployment by both India and Pakistan. The non-proliferation dialogue initiated after the 1998 nuclear tests has bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the countries.
In late September 2001, President Bush lifted sanctions imposed under the terms of the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act following India's nuclear tests in May 1998. A succession of non-proliferation dialogues bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the countries.
In December 2006, the US Congress passed the historic India–United States Civilian Nuclear Agreement|Henry J. Hyde US–India Peaceful Atomic Cooperation Act, which allows direct civilian nuclear commerce with India for the first time in 30 years. US policy had been opposed to nuclear cooperation with India in prior years because India had developed nuclear weapons against international conventions, and had never signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NNPT). The legislation clears the way for India to buy US nuclear reactors and fuel for civilian use.
The India–United States Civil Nuclear Agreement also referred to as the "123 Agreement", signed on October 10, 2008, is a bilateral agreement for peaceful nuclear cooperation which governs civil nuclear trade between American and Indian firms to participate in each other's civil nuclear energy sector.[270][271] For the agreement to be operational, nuclear vendors and operators must comply with India's 2010 Nuclear Liability Act which stipulates that nuclear suppliers, contractors and operators must bear financial responsibility in case of an accident.
On March 27, 2019, India and the US signed an agreement to "strengthen bilateral security and civil nuclear cooperation" including the construction of six American nuclear reactors in India.[272]
India's contribution to the War on Terror has helped India's diplomatic relations with several countries. Over the past few years, India has held numerous joint military exercises with United States and European nations that have resulted in a strengthened US-India and EU-India bilateral relationship. India's bilateral trade with Europe and US has more than doubled in the last five years.
However, India has not signed the CTBT, or the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, claiming the discriminatory nature of the treaty that allows the five declared nuclear countries of the world to keep their nuclear arsenal and develop it using computer simulation testing. Prior to its nuclear testing, India had pressed for a comprehensive destruction of nuclear weapons by all countries of the world in a time-bound frame. This was not favoured by the United States and by certain other countries. Presently, India has declared its policy of "no-first use of nuclear weapons" and the maintenance of a "credible nuclear deterrence". The USA, under President George W. Bush has also lifted most of its sanctions on India and has resumed military co-operation. Relations with USA have considerably improved in the recent years, with the two countries taking part in joint naval exercises off the coast of India and joint air exercises both in India as well as in the United States.[273][274][275]
India has been pushing for reforms in the United Nations and in the World Trade Organization with mixed results. India's candidature for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council is currently backed by several countries including Russia, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Brazil, African Union nations and United States. In 2005, the United States signed a nuclear co-operation agreement with India even though the latter is not a part of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The United States agreed that India's strong nuclear non-proliferation record made it an exception and persuaded other Nuclear Suppliers Group members to sign similar deals with India.
On March 2, 2006, India and the United States signed the Indo-US Nuclear Pact on co-operation in civilian nuclear field. This was signed during the four days state visit of USA President George Bush in India. On its part, India would separate its civilian and military nuclear programmes, and the civilian programmes would be brought under the safeguards of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The United States would sell India the reactor technologies and the nuclear fuel for setting up and upgrading its civilian nuclear programme. The US Congress needs to ratify this pact since US federal law prohibits the trading of nuclear technologies and materials outside the framework of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
The United States is one of India's largest direct investors. From 1991 to 2004, the stock of FDI inflow has increased from US$11 million to $344.4 million, and totaling $4.13 billion. This is a compound rate increase of 57.5 percent annually. Indian direct investments abroad began in 1992, and Indian corporations and registered partnership firms now can and do invest in businesses up to 100 percent of their net worth. India's largest outgoing investments are in the manufacturing sector, which accounts for 54.8 percent of the country's foreign investments. The second largest are in non-financial services (software development), accounting for 35.4 percent of investments. According to the data of the commerce ministry, in 2021–22, bilateral trade in goods between the two countries crossed $119.42 billion. Exports to the US increased to $76.11 billion in 2021-22 from $51.62 billion in previous fiscal year, while imports rose to $43.31 billion as compared to about $29 billion in 2020–21.[276]
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The United States is India's largest trading partner since 2021,[276] and India is its 7th largest trading partner.[277] In 2017, the US exported $25.7 billion worth of goods to India, and imported $48.6 billion worth of Indian goods.[278] Major items imported from India include information technology services, textiles, machinery, gems and diamonds, chemicals, iron and steel products, coffee, tea, and other edible food products. Major American items imported by India include aircraft, fertilisers, computer hardware, scrap metal, and medical equipment.[279][280]
The United States is also India's largest investment partner, with a direct investment of $10 billion (accounting for 9 percent of total foreign investment). Americans have made notable foreign investments in the Asian country's power generation, telecommunications, ports, roads, petroleum exploration and processing, and mining industries.[280] American imports from India amounted to $46.6 billion or 2% of its overall imports, and 15.3% of India's overall exports in 2015. Major commodities exported from India to the US include[281][282] Gems, precious metals and coins, Pharmaceuticals, Oil, Machinery, Textiles (including knit & crochet), Organic chemicals, Vehicles, and Iron or steel products American exports to India amounted to $20.5 billion or 5.2% of India's overall imports in 2015. Major commodities exported from the US to India include:[283][284] Gems, precious metals and coins, Machinery, Electronic equipment, Medical equipment, Oil, Aircraft/spacecraft, Plastics, Organic chemicals, fruits and nuts.
In July 2005, President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh created a new programme called the Trade Policy Forum.[285] It is run by a representative from each nation. The United States Trade Representative was Rob Portman, and the Indian Commerce Secretary then-Minister of Commerce Kamal Nath. The goal of the programme is to increase bilateral trade and investment flow. There are five main sub-divisions of the Trade Policy Forum, including The Agricultural Trade group, which has three main objectives: agreeing on terms that will allow India to export mangoes to the United States, permitting India's Agricultural and Process Food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA) to certify Indian products to the standards of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and executing regulation procedures for approving edible wax on fruit.
The goals of the Tariff and Non-Tariff Barriers group include agreeing that insecticides manufactured by US companies can be sold throughout India. India had also agreed to cut special regulations on trading carbonated drinks, many medicinal drugs, and lowering regulations on many imports that are not of an agricultural nature. Both nations have agreed to discuss improved facets of Indian regulation in the trade of jewellery, computer parts, motorcycles, fertiliser, and those tariffs that affect American exporting of boric acid. The group has also discussed matters such as those wishing to break into the accounting market, Indian companies gaining licenses for the telecommunications industry, and setting policies regarding Indian media and broadcasting markets. Other foci include the exchange of valuable information on recognizing different professional services, discussing the movement and positioning of people in developing industries, continuation of talks on financial services markets, limitation of equities, insurance, retail, joint investment in agricultural processing and transportation industries, and small business initiatives.
On August 3, 2018, India became the third Asian nation to be granted Strategic Trade Authorization-1 (STA-1) status by the United States. STA-1 enables the export of high-technology products in civil space and defence from the US to India.[286][287] On February 15, 2023, Air India announced an order of 470 jets, out of which 220 jets would be bought from Boeing and the other 250 from Airbus. This is one of the biggest aircraft orders in the commercial jet industry. The deal was acknowledged by both the POTUS and the PMO of India.[288] During Modi's visit in 2023, resolution of six of seven outstanding WTO disputes between the US and India through mutually agreed solutions, market access.[242]
On January 31, 2023, the US-India Civil Space Joint Working Group (CSJWG) met for the eighth time. The group is a collaboration of space agencies ISRO and NASA. The CSJWG has planned to launch The NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) mission in 2024 which is expected to map Earth using two different radar frequencies to monitor resources like water, forests, and agriculture.[290]
In January 2023, the national security advisors of India and the U.S. announced the launch of the U.S.-India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET). Under iCET, both sides will work together in the fields of artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, advanced wireless technology, space and semiconductor supply chain resilience.[291] India signed the Artemis Accords in 2023, joining 26 other countries working on exploration of the Moon, Mars, and beyond. And NASA will provide advanced training to ISRO astronauts with the goal of launching a joint effort to the International Space Station in 2024.[242]
The Indian diaspora significantly bolsters Indo-U.S. economic relations through key contributions in technology, entrepreneurship, and academia. Their presence in Silicon Valley and leadership roles in various sectors fosters innovation and collaboration, while their entrepreneurial ventures strengthen economic ties. Additionally, the diaspora serves as a vital link for investments between the two countries, and their involvement in education and research contributes to advancements in science and technology. Beyond economics, the diaspora's cultural initiatives promote understanding and dialogue, further enhancing the overall relationship between India and the U.S.[292]
India-U.S. relations grew strategically in the early 1960s, as the rise of the People's Republic of China worried policymakers in Washington, D.C.. The Chinese government's assertion in Tibet, its role in the Korean War, and other such acts concerned Washington. As relations between India and China were heated during the late fifties, the Americans found a golden opportunity to take advantage of this situation to promote India as a counterweight to China.[293]
After the end of the Cold War, Indian and American interests converged in a number of areas, including counter-terrorism, promotion of democracy, counter-proliferation, freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, and the balance of power in Asia.[293] India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China.[294]
In a meeting between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in November 2001, the two leaders expressed a strong interest in transforming the US-India bilateral relationship. High-level meetings and concrete cooperation between the two countries increased during 2002 and 2003. In January 2004, the US and India launched the "Next Steps in Strategic Partnership" (NSSP), which was both a milestone in the transformation of the bilateral relationship and a blueprint for its further progress.[295] In July 2005, Bush hosted Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Washington, D.C. The two leaders announced the successful completion of the NSSP, as well as other agreements which further enhanced cooperation in the areas of civil nuclear, civil space, and high-technology commerce. Other initiatives announced included a US-India economic dialogue, the fight Against HIV/AIDS, disaster relief, technology cooperation, an agriculture knowledge initiative, a trade policy forum, energy dialogue, CEO Forum, and an initiative to assist each other in furthering democracy and freedom.[296] President Bush made a reciprocal visit to India in March 2006, during which the progress of these initiatives were reviewed, and new initiatives were launched.[117]
As the world's oldest and largest democracies, respectively, the U.S. and India share historic ties.[297] India is a founding member of the "Community of Democracies"—a prominent endeavor of the United States on promotion of democracy. However, India rejected a suggestion by the USA about setting up a Centre for Asian Democracy.[298]
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was the guest of honour at the first state dinner of the administration of US President Barack Obama, which took place on 24 November 2009. Obama later visited India from 6–9 November 2010, signing numerous trade and defence agreements with India. He addressed the joint session of the Indian parliament in New Delhi, becoming only the second US president to do so, and announced that the United States would lend its support to India's bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, signifying the growing strategic dimension of the relationship between the world's two largest democracies.[299]
In 2016, India and the United States signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement[300][301] and India was declared a Major Defense Partner of the United States.[19] During US President Trump's visit to India in 2020, both sides agree to establish “Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership”.[302]
In both the 2017 Doklam standoff and the 2020–2021 China–India skirmishes, the United States provided India with intelligence it possessed, and the two sides discussed the crisis on Ladakh border. The US was also involved in securing the release of Indian pilot Abhinandan Varthaman from Pakistani custody following the 2019 Balakot airstrike.[303] The US played a role in extinguishing tensions between India and Pakistan in 2019, when Pakistan and India were at the verge of nuclear war, as per the claim of former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo.[304]
The strategic meetings between both countries is called the '2+2' dialogue. Representatives holding Foreign and Defense portfolios, from each of the two countries participate in this meeting. The inaugural 2+2 dialogue between the two nations took place in September 2018 during the Trump Administration. The meeting involved the foreign minister Sushma Swaraj and then Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman representing India, while Secretary of State Michael Pompeo and Secretary of Defence James Mattis represented the United States. Some of the important agreements like Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) (2018) were signed in these meetings.[305]
On October 27, 2020, US and India signed a military agreement on sharing sensitive satellite data. The Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement, or BECA, allows the US's strategic partners to access a range of sensitive geospatial and aeronautical data which is useful for military actions.[306] In December 2020, US India Business Council president Nisha Desai Biswal claimed that the ties between the two nations will continue and grow stronger in 2021, as the Biden administration will prioritize their trade deals for a prospering economic relationship.[307] In December 2022, based on BECA, the United States provided real-time location information of the PLA soldiers to help India rout China, during the confrontation in Arunachal Pradesh.[308]
The purchase of S-400 missile system by India, resulted in an imbroglio in the US Congress.[309] Previously, the Trump administration admonished India that it might entice economic sanctions by the United States.[310][311] But since India looms as a counterweight to China, the significance of India is creeping upon the US Senate. Following that, two major Senators John Cornyn from the Republican Party and Mark Warner from the Democratic Party urged president Joe Biden to waive sanctions against New Delhi as it might euthanize the cumulative cooperation with India to maintain the hegemony of the United States of America across the region of South Asia & the Indian Ocean region.[312][313]
Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, India abstained on a United Nations resolution showing disapproval of (but not politically condemning) the invasion, saying it was "deeply disturbed" by Russia's invasion. Some experts have also pointed out that the reason for India's abstention is because 70% of Indian arms imports are from Russia, 14% from the US, and 5% from Israel.[314] In a meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue on the implications of the crisis for the region, President Biden noted India's abstention, saying that most global allies were united against Russia.[315] Speaking to the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, US diplomat Donald Lu said the Biden administration was still considering sanctions against India over its S-400 deal with Russia, and its abstention at the UN.[316] On 15 July 2022, the United States House of Representatives passed a legislative amendment that granted India a waiver from CAATSA-related sanctions connected to the purchase of the S-400; however the amendment has yet to be passed by the United States Senate.[317]
While some officials of Ukraine have called for economic sanctions against India over its heavy buying of Russian oil, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Karen Donfried told reporters in February 2023: "We are not looking to sanction India. Our partnership with India is one of our most consequential relationships."[318] In the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian War, the U.S. has ruled out secondary sanctions against India for its considerable oil imports or defence engagement from Russia.[216]
During the run-off to the 2014 Indian general election, there was wide-ranging scepticism regarding the future of the India–U.S. strategic relationship. Narendra Modi, whose US visa had been revoked while he was the Chief Minister of Gujarat, had been boycotted by US officials for almost a decade[319] for his alleged role in the 2002 Gujarat riots.[320] However, sensing Modi's inevitable victory well before the election, the US Ambassabor Nancy Powell had reached out to him. Moreover, following his 2014 election as the Prime Minister of India President Obama congratulated him over telephone and invited him to visit the US.[321][322] US Secretary of State John Kerry visited New Delhi on 1 August to prepare the grounds for Modi's first ever US visit as Prime Minister. In September 2014, days before visiting the US in an interview to CNN's Fareed Zakaria, Modi said that "India and the United States are bound together, by history and culture" but acknowledged that there have been "ups and downs" in relations.[323] Modi travelled to US from 27 to 30 September 2014,[324] beginning with his maiden address in the United Nations general assembly followed by attending a gala public reception by the Indian American community in New York's Madison Square Garden before heading Washington, D.C., for the bilateral talk with Obama. While there, Modi also met several American business leaders and invited them to join his ambitious Make in India program in a bid to make India a manufacturing hub.[325][326][327]
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President Barack Obama became the first US president to be the chief guest of the 66th Republic Day celebrations of India held on 26 January 2015.[328] India and the US held their first ever bilateral dialogue on the UN and multilateral issues in the spirit of the "Delhi Declaration of Friendship" that strengthens and expands the two countries' relationship as part of the Post-2015 Development Agenda.[329] The conspicuous absence of major announcements, a key indicator of the state of US relations with the host country, led political commentators in both countries to highlight the confidence-building aspects of the visit.[330][331][332]
Prime Minister Narendra Modi toured the Silicon Valley and met with entrepreneurs – several of whom are persons of Indian origin – involved in successful microelectronics, digital communications and biotechnology start-ups to promote the NDA government's Make in India initiative.[333] Modi left the U.S. West Coast and travelled to New York for the 2015 UN General Assembly meeting where he had bilateral discussions with US President Barack Obama.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi while visiting the United States addressed a joint session of Congress highlighting the common traits of both democracies and long-term friendship between the two countries.[334] In a speech lasting more than 45 minutes, Mr. Modi drew on parallels between the two countries and addressed a variety of issues where the two countries have worked together in the past and where the future course of action would lie.[335]
On June 26, 2017, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the United States and met US President Donald Trump. On 8 November 2017, the US announced a grant of nearly US$500,000 for organisations which came up with ideas and projects to promote religious freedom in India and Sri Lanka.[336]
In September 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Houston, where he addressed a large Indian American contingent at NRG Stadium. Along with President Donald Trump, he reaffirmed Indian American ties, with an emphasis on increased military cooperation with the initiation of the Tiger Triumph exercises.[337]
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On February 24, 2020, U.S. President Donald Trump visited Ahmedabad, Gujarat to address a large Indian crowd.[338] The event, titled "Namaste Trump", was a response to the "Howdy Modi" event held in 2019.[339] Attendance of over 100,000 people was reported.[340] The event served as a platform for the U.S. president and the Indian prime minister to show off their friendly relationship.[341]
Trump also visited Agra, Uttar Pradesh and the Taj Mahal on the same day.[342] In Agra, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath welcomed the President and the First Lady. There were 3000 cultural artists showcasing art, cultural & music of various regions.[343] However, political commentators state that Trump's first official visit to India had been overshadowed by the 2020 North East Delhi riots.[344]
Modi traveled to US from 22 to 25 September 2021, beginning with his maiden address in the United Nations general assembly before heading Washington, D.C., for the bilateral talk with President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris. While there, Modi also participated in the Quad Leaders' Summit.
Prime Minister Modi traveled to the United States in June 2023.[345] It was Modi's first state visit to the United States, and the second time he has been invited to address a joint session of the U.S. Congress.[346] Modi and President Biden answered questions from reporters at a press conference held in the White House.[347]
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This article incorporates public domain material from the Air Force Historical Research AgencyDespite keen attention to Pakistan's potential strategic significance, most US planners rated India as far the more valuable diplomatic prize. American policy towards the subcontinent consequently leaned in favour of India throughout the late-1940s. The opening of bilateral relations with New Delhi and Karachi and the reasons for the initial Truman administration tilt toward the former will be explored in the next chapter.
