NATO-led air and naval attacks during the civil war
19 марта 2011 года многогосударственная коалиция под руководством НАТО начала военную интервенцию в Ливию для реализации резолюции 1973 Совета Безопасности ООН (UNSCR 1973) в ответ на события во время Первой гражданской войны в Ливии . При десяти голосах «за» и пяти воздержавшихся намерение Совета Безопасности ООН состояло в том, чтобы «немедленно прекратить огонь в Ливии, включая прекращение текущих нападений на мирных жителей, которые, по его словам, могут представлять собой «преступления против человечности»… [ввести] запрет на все полеты в воздушном пространстве страны — бесполетную зону — и ужесточить санкции в отношении режима Муаммара Каддафи и его сторонников». [20]
Американские и британские военно-морские силы выпустили более 110 крылатых ракет «Томагавк» и установили морскую блокаду . [21] Французские ВВС , Британские Королевские ВВС и Королевские Канадские ВВС [22] совершили вылеты через Ливию. [23] [ 24] [25] Вмешательство не использовало иностранные наземные войска , за исключением сил специального назначения, которые не подпадали под действие резолюции ООН. [26] [27]
Реакция ливийского правительства на кампанию оказалась совершенно безрезультатной: войскам Каддафи не удалось сбить ни одного самолета НАТО, несмотря на то, что страна располагала 30 тяжелыми батареями ЗРК , 17 средними батареями ЗРК, 55 легкими батареями ЗРК (всего 400–450 пусковых установок, включая 130–150 пусковых установок 2К12 «Куб» и несколько пусковых установок 9К33 «Оса» ), а также 440–600 зенитными орудиями малой дальности. [9] [28]
Официальные названия интервенций членов коалиции: Операция Harmattan со стороны Франции; Операция Ellamy со стороны Великобритании; Операция Mobile для канадского участия и Операция Odyssey Dawn для Соединенных Штатов. [29] Италия изначально выступала против интервенции, но затем предложила принять участие в операциях при условии, что НАТО возьмет на себя руководство миссией вместо отдельных стран (в частности, Франции). Поскольку это условие было впоследствии выполнено, Италия поделилась своими базами и разведданными с союзниками. [30]
С самого начала интервенции первоначальная коалиция Бельгии, Канады, Дании, Франции, Италии, Норвегии, Катара, Испании, Великобритании и США [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] расширилась до девятнадцати государств, причем новые государства в основном обеспечивали бесполетную зону и морскую блокаду или оказывали военную логистическую помощь. Первоначально усилия в основном возглавлялись Францией и Соединенным Королевством, а командование было разделено с Соединенными Штатами. НАТО взяло под контроль эмбарго на поставки оружия 23 марта, назвав операцию «Единый защитник» . Попытка объединить военное командование воздушной кампанией (сохранив политический и стратегический контроль небольшой группой) сначала провалилась из-за возражений правительств Франции, Германии и Турции. [36] [37] 24 марта НАТО согласилось взять под контроль бесполетную зону, в то время как командование нацеливанием наземных подразделений осталось за силами коалиции. [38] [39] [40] Передача произошла 31 марта 2011 года в 06:00 UTC (08:00 по местному времени). НАТО совершило 26 500 вылетов с момента принятия на себя ответственности за миссию в Ливии 31 марта 2011 года.
Сообщается, что за восемь месяцев члены НАТО совершили 7000 бомбардировок сил Каддафи. [43]
Предложение о бесполетной зоне
Как ливийские официальные лица [44] [45] [46] [47] , так и международные государства [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] и организации [20] [53] [54] [55] [56] [ 57] [58] призвали к созданию бесполетной зоны над Ливией в свете утверждений о том, что армия Муаммара Каддафи наносила авиаудары по ливийским повстанцам во время гражданской войны в Ливии .
Хронология
21 февраля 2011 г.: Заместитель постоянного представителя Ливии в ООН Ибрагим Даббаши призвал «ООН ввести бесполетную зону над всем Триполи, чтобы прекратить все поставки оружия и наемников режиму». [44]
23 февраля 2011 г.: Президент Франции Николя Саркози призвал Европейский союз (ЕС) принять санкции против Каддафи (заморозить средства семьи Каддафи за рубежом) и потребовать от него прекратить нападения на мирных жителей.
25 февраля 2011 г.: Саркози сказал, что Каддафи «должен уйти». [59]
26 февраля 2011 г.: Совет Безопасности ООН единогласно принял резолюцию 1970, которая перенаправила ливийское правительство в Международный уголовный суд за грубые нарушения прав человека. Она ввела эмбарго на поставки оружия в страну, запрет на поездки и заморозку активов для семьи Муаммара Каддафи и некоторых правительственных чиновников. [60]
28 февраля 2011 г.: Премьер-министр Великобритании Дэвид Кэмерон предложил идею создания бесполетной зоны, чтобы помешать Каддафи « перебрасывать наемников» и «использовать свои военные самолеты и бронированные вертолеты против мирных жителей». [49]
1 марта 2011 г.: Сенат США единогласно принял необязательную резолюцию Сената S.RES.85, призывающую Совет Безопасности ООН ввести бесполетную зону в Ливии и призывающую Каддафи уйти в отставку. Военно-морские силы США были размещены у побережья Ливии, а также силы, уже находящиеся в регионе, включая авианосец USS Enterprise . [61]
7 марта 2011 г.: Посол США в НАТО Иво Даалдер объявил, что НАТО приняло решение усилить миссии наблюдения самолетов E-3 AWACS до 24 часов в сутки. В тот же день сообщалось, что анонимный дипломат ООН подтвердил агентству France Presse , что Франция и Великобритания разрабатывают резолюцию о бесполетной зоне, которая будет рассмотрена Советом Безопасности ООН на той же неделе. [48] Совет сотрудничества стран Персидского залива также в тот же день призвал Совет Безопасности ООН «принять все необходимые меры для защиты гражданского населения, включая обеспечение бесполетной зоны над Ливией».
9 марта 2011 г.: Глава Национального переходного совета Ливии Мустафа Абдул Джалиль «призвал международное сообщество быстро ввести бесполетную зону над Ливией, заявив, что любая задержка приведет к большему количеству жертв». [45] Три дня спустя он заявил, что если прокаддафистские силы достигнут Бенгази , то они убьют «полмиллиона» человек. Он заявил: «Если не будет введена бесполетная зона для режима Каддафи, и его корабли не будут проверены, в Ливии нас ждет катастрофа». [46]
10 марта 2011 г.: Франция признала ливийский ПНС в качестве законного правительства Ливии вскоре после того, как Николя Саркози встретился с ними в Париже. Эта встреча была организована Бернаром-Анри Леви . [63]
12 марта 2011 г.: Лига арабских государств «призвала Совет Безопасности ООН ввести бесполетную зону над Ливией в попытке защитить мирных жителей от воздушных атак». [53] [54] [55] [64] Запрос Лиги арабских государств был озвучен министром иностранных дел Омана Юсуфом бин Алави бин Абдуллой , который заявил, что все государства-члены, присутствовавшие на встрече, согласились с предложением. [53] 12 марта тысячи ливийских женщин прошли маршем по улицам удерживаемого повстанцами города Бенгази, призывая к введению бесполетной зоны над Ливией. [47]
14 марта 2011 г.: В Париже в Елисейском дворце , перед саммитом с участием министра иностранных дел стран G8, Саркози, который также является председателем G8 , вместе с министром иностранных дел Франции Аленом Жюппе встретился с госсекретарем США Хиллари Клинтон и убедил ее настоять на вмешательстве в дела Ливии. [65]
15 марта 2011 г.: Резолюция о бесполетной зоне была предложена Навафом Саламом , послом Ливана в ООН. Резолюция была немедленно поддержана Францией и Соединенным Королевством. [66]
17 марта 2011 г.: Совет Безопасности ООН, действуя на основании Главы VII Устава ООН , одобрил бесполетную зону десятью голосами «за», нулём «против» и пятью воздержавшимися в резолюции 1973 СБ ООН . Пять воздержавшихся: Бразилия, Россия, Индия, Китай и Германия. [56] [57] [58] [67] [ 68] Менее чем через двадцать четыре часа Ливия объявила, что прекратит все военные операции в ответ на резолюцию Совета Безопасности ООН. [69] [70]
18 марта 2011 г.: Министр иностранных дел Ливии Мусса Кусса заявил, что он объявил о прекращении огня, ссылаясь на резолюцию ООН. [71] Однако артиллерийские обстрелы Мисраты и Адждабии продолжались, а правительственные солдаты продолжали приближаться к Бенгази . [21] [72] Правительственные войска и танки вошли в город 19 марта. [73] По городу также велся артиллерийский и минометный огонь. [74]
18 марта 2011 г.: Президент США Барак Обама в своем обращении к нации из Белого дома отдает приказ о нанесении военных авиаударов по силам Муаммара Каддафи в Ливии . [75] Позднее президент США Обама провел встречу с восемнадцатью высокопоставленными законодателями в Белом доме днем 18 марта [76]
19 марта 2011 г.: Французские [77] войска начали военную интервенцию в Ливию, позже к ним присоединились силы коалиции, нанесшие удары по бронетанковым подразделениям к югу от Бенгази и атаковавшие ливийские системы ПВО, в то время как резолюция Совета Безопасности ООН 1973 призвала использовать «все необходимые средства» для защиты гражданского населения и районов с гражданским населением от нападений, ввела бесполетную зону и призвала к немедленному и постоянному прекращению огня, а также ужесточила запреты на поездки для членов режима, эмбарго на поставки оружия и заморозку активов. [20]
21 марта 2011 г.: Обама направил письмо спикеру Палаты представителей и временному председателю Сената, в котором утверждал, что действия были оправданы в соответствии с Резолюцией о военных полномочиях . [78]
24 марта 2011 г.: В телефонных переговорах министр иностранных дел Франции Ален Жюппе согласился позволить НАТО взять на себя все военные операции не позднее 29 марта, что позволило Турции с этого момента наложить вето на удары по наземным войскам Каддафи. [79] В более поздних сообщениях говорилось, что НАТО возьмет на себя обеспечение бесполетной зоны и эмбарго на поставки оружия, но обсуждения о том, возьмет ли НАТО на себя миссию по защите гражданского населения, все еще продолжались. Турция, как сообщается, хотела получить право налагать вето на авиаудары, в то время как Франция хотела помешать Турции иметь такое право вето. [80] [81]
25 марта 2011 г.: Командование объединенных сил НАТО в Неаполе взяло под контроль бесполетную зону над Ливией и объединило ее с продолжающейся операцией по эмбарго на поставки оружия под названием « Операция Единый защитник» . [82]
26 марта 2011 г.: Обама обратился к нации из Белого дома, предоставив обновленную информацию о текущем состоянии военной интервенции в Ливии. [83]
28 марта 2011 г.: Обама обратился к американскому народу с обоснованием военного вмешательства США совместно с силами НАТО в Ливию в Национальном университете обороны . [84]
Первоначальное планирование НАТО возможной бесполетной зоны началось в конце февраля и начале марта, [86] особенно членами НАТО Францией и Великобританией. [87] Франция и Великобритания были первыми, кто поддержал идею бесполетной зоны, и имели достаточную авиацию, чтобы установить бесполетную зону над территориями, удерживаемыми повстанцами, хотя им могла потребоваться дополнительная помощь для создания более обширной зоны отчуждения.
США имели воздушные средства, необходимые для обеспечения бесполетной зоны, но были осторожны в поддержке таких действий до получения правовой основы для нарушения суверенитета Ливии. Кроме того, из-за деликатного характера военных действий США против арабской страны, США стремились к участию арабов в обеспечении бесполетной зоны.
На слушаниях в Конгрессе министр обороны США Роберт Гейтс объяснил, что «бесполетная зона начинается с нападения на Ливию с целью уничтожения ее противовоздушной обороны… а затем вы можете летать на самолетах по всей стране и не беспокоиться о том, что наших ребят собьют. Но именно так все и начинается». [88]
19 марта началось развертывание французских истребителей над Ливией, [23] а другие государства начали свои индивидуальные операции. Фаза 1 началась в тот же день с участием Соединенных Штатов, Великобритании, Франции, Италии и Канады. [ необходима цитата ]
24 марта послы НАТО согласились, что НАТО возьмет на себя командование по обеспечению соблюдения бесполетной зоны, в то время как другие военные операции останутся ответственностью группы ранее участвовавших государств, при этом НАТО, как ожидается, возьмет на себя управление уже 26 марта. [89] Решение было принято после встреч членов НАТО для разрешения разногласий по поводу того, должны ли военные операции в Ливии включать атаки на наземные силы. [89] Решение создало двухуровневую структуру власти, контролирующую военные операции. Политически ответственным был комитет во главе с НАТО, в который вошли все государства, участвующие в обеспечении соблюдения бесполетной зоны, в то время как НАТО отвечало только за военные действия. [90] Генерал-лейтенант Королевских канадских ВВС Шарль Бушар был назначен командующим военной миссией НАТО. [91]
После смерти Муаммара Каддафи 20 октября 2011 года было объявлено, что миссия НАТО завершится 31 октября. [92]
До того, как НАТО приняло на себя полное командование операцией в 06:00 по Гринвичу 31 марта 2011 года, военное вмешательство в форме бесполетной зоны и морской блокады было разделено между различными национальными операциями:
Соединенные Штаты: операция «Одиссея Рассвет» – Бельгия, Дания, Италия, Нидерланды, Норвегия, Катар, Испания, Греция и Объединенные Арабские Эмираты передали свои национальные вклады под командование США.
Болгария: фрегат ВМС Болгарии класса Wielingen Drazki участвовал в морской блокаде вместе с несколькими «специальными военно-морскими силами», двумя медицинскими группами и другой гуманитарной помощью. [93] [94] [95] Фрегат покинул порт 27 апреля и прибыл к побережью Ливии 2 мая. [96] Он патрулировал в течение месяца, прежде чем вернуться в Болгарию, сделав остановку для снабжения в греческом порту Суда .
Дания: Королевские ВВС Дании участвовали с шестью истребителями F-16AM, одним военно-транспортным самолетом C-130J Super Hercules и соответствующими наземными экипажами. Только четыре F-16 использовались для наступательных операций, в то время как оставшиеся два действовали в качестве резерва. [102] Первая миссия датских самолетов была выполнена 20 марта, а первые удары были нанесены 23 марта, при этом четыре самолета совершили двенадцать боевых вылетов в рамках операции Odyssey Dawn. [103] Датские F-16 совершили в общей сложности 43 вылета, сбросив 107 точных бомб во время операции Odyssey Dawn, прежде чем перейти под командование НАТО в рамках операции Unified Protector [104] Датские самолеты бомбили примерно 17% всех целей в Ливии и вместе с норвежскими самолетами оказались наиболее эффективными пропорционально количеству задействованных полетов. [105] Датские F-16 совершили последнюю вылет на реактивных самолетах в рамках операции «Объединенный защитник» 31 октября 2011 года [106] , завершив ее 599 вылетами и сбросив 923 точные бомбы за все время интервенции в Ливию. [107]
Франция: Французские ВВС , которые нанесли наибольший процент ударов НАТО (35%), участвовали в миссии с 18 самолетами Mirage , 19 Rafale , 6 Mirage F1 , 6 Super Etendard , 2 E-2 Hawkeye , 3 Eurocopter Tiger , 16 Aérospatiale Gazelle . Кроме того, в операциях участвовали французский эсминец ПВО Forbin и фрегат Jean Bart . [108] 22 марта авианосец Charles de Gaulle прибыл в международные воды около Крита, чтобы предоставить военным планировщикам возможность быстрого реагирования в воздушном бою. [109] Charles de Gaulle сопровождали фрегаты Dupleix , Aconit , танкер для пополнения флота Meuse и одна атомная ударная подводная лодка класса Rubis . [110] Франция разместила три самолета Mirage 2000-5 и шесть Mirage 2000D в заливе Суда на Крите. [111] Франция также отправила десантный вертолетоносец Tonnerre (смененный 14 июля Mistral [112] ), на борту которого находились 19 вертолетов, для действий у побережья Ливии. [113] Французские ВВС и ВМС совершили 5600 боевых вылетов [114] (3100 боевых вылетов, 1200 разведывательных, 400 боевых вылетов для завоевания превосходства в воздухе, 340 воздушных контрольных вылетов, 580 дозаправок в воздухе) и доставили 1205 высокоточных управляемых боеприпасов (950 ракет LGB и 225 ракет AASM «Hammer», 15 ракет SCALP). [115] Вертолетные силы армейской авиации на борту Tonnerre и Mistral LHD выполнили 41 ночной налет, 316 боевых вылетов и уничтожили 450 военных целей. Боеприпасы включали 432 ракеты Hot Missile, 1500 68-мм ракет и 13 500 20- и 30-мм снарядов, доставленных вертолетами Gazelle и Tigre. Французский флот обеспечил артиллерийскую поддержку ВМС и выпустил 3000 76- и 100-мм снарядов с эсминцев Jean Bart, Lafayette, Forbin и Chevalier Paul.
Италия: В начале операции в качестве вклада в обеспечение бесполетной зоны итальянское правительство выделило четыре Tornado ECR итальянских ВВС в операциях SEAD при поддержке двух вариантов Tornado IDS в качестве дозаправщиков в воздухе и четырех истребителей F-16 ADF в качестве эскорта. [120] После передачи полномочий НАТО и решения об участии в ударных операциях «воздух-земля» итальянское правительство увеличило итальянский вклад, добавив четыре итальянских ВМС AV-8B plus (с итальянского авианосца Giuseppe Garibaldi ), четыре итальянских ВВС Eurofighter и четыре Tornado IDS под командованием НАТО. Другие активы под национальным командованием участвовали в миссиях по воздушному патрулированию и дозаправке в воздухе. [121] По состоянию на 24 марта итальянский флот был вовлечен в операцию Unified Protector с легким авианосцем Giuseppe Garibaldi , фрегатом класса Maestrale Libeccio и вспомогательным судном Etna. [122] Кроме того, эсминец класса Orizzonte Andrea Doria и фрегат класса Maestrale Euro патрулировали побережье Сицилии в качестве средств ПВО. [123] [124] На более позднем этапе Италия увеличила свой вклад в миссию НАТО, удвоив количество самолетов AV-8B Harrier и развернув нераскрытое количество истребителей-бомбардировщиков AMX и самолетов-заправщиков KC-130J и KC-767A . Итальянские ВВС также развернули свои беспилотные летательные аппараты MQ-9A Reaper для видеоразведки в реальном времени. [125]
Иордания: Шесть истребителей Королевских ВВС Иордании приземлились на авиабазе коалиции в Европе 4 апреля для оказания «логистической поддержки» и сопровождения иорданских транспортных самолетов, использующих гуманитарный коридор для доставки помощи и грузов в удерживаемую оппозицией Киренаику , согласно министру иностранных дел Нассеру Джуде . Он не уточнил тип самолета или какие конкретные роли они могут быть призваны выполнять, хотя он сказал, что они не предназначены для боевых действий. [126]
НАТО: самолеты дальнего радиолокационного обнаружения и управления (AWACS) E-3, эксплуатируемые НАТО и укомплектованные экипажами из государств-членов, помогали контролировать воздушное пространство над Средиземным морем и в Ливии. [127]
Норвегия: Королевские ВВС Норвегии разместили шесть истребителей F-16AM на авиабазе Суда-Бэй с соответствующими наземными экипажами. [130] [131] [132] 24 марта норвежские F-16 были переданы командованию США в Северной Африке и операции «Одиссея Рассвет» . Также сообщалось, что норвежские истребители вместе с датскими истребителями бомбили наибольшее количество целей в Ливии пропорционально количеству задействованных самолетов. [105] 24 июня количество развернутых истребителей было сокращено с шести до четырех. [133] Норвежское участие в военных усилиях против ливийского правительства завершилось в конце июля 2011 года, к тому времени норвежские самолеты сбросили 588 бомб и выполнили 615 из 6493 миссий НАТО в период с 31 марта по 1 августа (не включая 19 сброшенных бомб и 32 миссии, выполненные в рамках операции «Одиссея Рассвет»). 75% миссий, выполненных Королевскими ВВС Норвегии, были так называемыми миссиями SCAR (Strike Coordination and Reconnaissance). Американские военные источники подтвердили, что в ночь на 25 апреля два F-16 Королевских ВВС Норвегии бомбили резиденцию Каддафи в Триполи . [134] [135]
Катар: Вооруженные силы Катара предоставили шесть истребителей Mirage 2000-5EDA и два стратегических транспортных самолета C-17 для усилий коалиции по обеспечению соблюдения бесполетной зоны. [136] Катарские самолеты были размещены на Крите. [109] На более поздних этапах операции катарские силы специального назначения оказывали помощь в операциях, включая подготовку бригады Триполи и повстанческих сил в Бенгази и горах Нафуса. Катар также доставил небольшие группы ливийцев в Катар для обучения руководства небольшими подразделениями в рамках подготовки к наступлению повстанцев на Триполи в августе. [137]
Испания: Вооруженные силы Испании участвовали с шестью истребителями F-18 , двумя самолетами-заправщиками Boeing 707-331B(KC) , фрегатом класса Álvaro de Bazán Méndez Núñez , подводной лодкой Tramontana и двумя самолетами морского наблюдения CN-235 MPA . Испания участвовала в миссиях по контролю за воздушным пространством и морскому наблюдению, чтобы предотвратить приток оружия ливийскому режиму. Испания также предоставила испанскую авиабазу в Роте в распоряжение НАТО. [139]
Турция: Турецкий флот принял участие, отправив фрегаты класса Barbaros , TCG Yildirim и TCG Orucreis , фрегаты класса Oliver Hazard Perry , TCG Gemlik и TCG Giresun , танкер TCG Akar и подводную лодку TCG Yildiray в возглавляемую НАТО морскую блокаду для обеспечения соблюдения эмбарго на поставки оружия. [ 144 ] Он также предоставил шесть самолетов F-16 для воздушных операций. [145] 24 марта парламент Турции одобрил участие Турции в военных операциях в Ливии, включая обеспечение соблюдения бесполетной зоны в Ливии. [146]
Объединенные Арабские Эмираты: 24 марта ВВС Объединенных Арабских Эмиратов отправили шесть истребителей F-16 и шесть истребителей Mirage 2000 для участия в миссии. Это было также первое боевое развертывание варианта Desert Falcon истребителя F-16, который был самым совершенным вариантом F-16 на тот момент. Самолеты базировались на итальянской авиабазе Дечимоманну на Сардинии . [147] [148]
Albania: Prime Minister Sali Berisha said that Albania was ready to help. Berisha supported the decision of the coalition to protect civilians from the Gaddafi regime. He also offered assistance to facilitate the coalition's actions. A press release from the Prime Minister's office stated that these operations are entirely legitimate, with their main objective being the protection of freedom and the universal rights that Libyans deserve.[169] On 29 March, Foreign Minister Edmond Haxhinasto said Albania would open its airspace and territorial waters to coalition forces and said its seaports and airports were at the coalition's disposal upon request. He also suggested that Albania could help with international humanitarian efforts.[170] In mid-April, the International Business Times listed Albania alongside several other NATO member states, including Romania and Turkey, that have made modest contributions to the military effort, but it did not go into detail.[171][better source needed]
Australia: Prime Minister Julia Gillard and others in her Labor government said Australia would not contribute militarily to enforcement of the UN mandate despite registering strong support for the mandate. The opposition Liberal Party's defence spokesman called upon the government to consider dispatching Australian military assets if requested by NATO.[172] Defence Minister Stephen Smith said the government would be willing to send C-17 Globemaster heavy transport planes for use in international operations "as part of a humanitarian contribution", if needed.[173] On 27 April Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd described Australia as the "third largest [humanitarian contributor to Libya] globally after the United States and the European Union", after a humanitarian aid ship funded by the Australian government docked in Misrata.[174]
Croatia: President Ivo Josipović said that if necessary Croatia would honour its NATO membership and participate in actions in Libya. He also stressed that while Croatia was ready for military participation according to its capabilities, it would mostly endeavor to help on the humanitarian side.[175] On 29 April, the government announced it planned to send two Croatian Army officers to assist with Operation Unified Protector, pending formal presidential and parliamentary approval.[176]
Cyprus: After the passage of UNSCR 1973, President Demetris Christofias asked the British government not to use its military base at Akrotiri, an overseas territory of the UK on the island, in support of the intervention. However, this request had no legal weight as Cyprus could not legally bar the UK from using the base.[177] The Cypriot government reluctantly allowed Qatar Emiri Air Force fighter jets and a transport plane to refuel at Larnaca International Airport on 22 March after their pilots declared a fuel emergency while in transit to Crete for participation in military operations.[178]
Estonia: Foreign Minister Urmas Paet said on 18 March that his country had no current plans to join in military operations in Libya, but it would be willing to participate if called on to do so by NATO or the EU.[179] The Estonian Air Force does not as of 2023[update] operate any combat aircraft, although it does operate a few helicopters and transport planes.[180]
European Union: Finnish Foreign Minister Alexander Stubb announced that the proposed EUFOR Libya operation was being prepared, and was waiting for a request from the UN.[181]
Germany: In March the country withdrew all its forces from NATO operations in the Mediterranean Sea, as its government decided not to take part in any military operations against Libya. However, it was increasing the number of AWACS personnel in Afghanistan by up to 300 to free up the forces of other states. Germany allowed the usage of military installations in its territory for intervention in Libya.[182][183][184][185] On 8 April, German officials suggested that the country could potentially contribute troops to "[ensure] with military means that humanitarian aid gets to those who need it".[186] As of early June, the German government was reportedly considering opening a center for training police in Benghazi.[187] On 24 July, Germany lent 100 million Euros (144 million US dollars) to the rebels for "civilian and humanitarian purposes".
Indonesia: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called for a ceasefire by all sides, but said that if a UN peacekeeping force was established to monitor a potential truce, "Indonesia is more than willing to take part."[188]
Kuwait: The Arab state would make a "logistic contribution", according to British Prime Minister David Cameron.[189][190]
Malta: Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi said no coalition forces would be allowed to stage from military bases in Malta, but Maltese airspace would be open to international forces involved in the intervention.[191] On 20 April, two French Mirages were reportedly allowed to make emergency landings in Malta after running low on fuel.[192]
Poland: US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, UK Secretary of Defence Liam Fox, and NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen urged the Polish government to contribute to military operations. As of June, Warsaw had not committed to participation.[193][needs update]
Sudan: The government "quietly granted permission" for coalition states to traverse its airspace for operations in the Libyan theatre if necessary, Reuters reported in late March.[194]
Civilian losses
14 May: NATO air strike hit a large number of people gathered for Friday prayers in the eastern city of Brega leaving 11 religious leaders dead and 50 others wounded.[195]
24 May: NATO air strikes in Tripoli kill 19 civilians and wound 150, according to Libyan state television.[196]
31 May: Libya claims that NATO strikes have left up to 718 civilians dead.[197]
19 June: NATO air strikes hit a residential house in Tripoli, killing seven civilians, according to Libyan state television.[198]
20 June: A NATO airstrike in Sorman, near Tripoli, killed fifteen civilians, according to government officials.[199] Eight rockets apparently hit the compound of a senior government official, in an area where NATO confirmed operations had taken place.[199]
25 June: NATO strikes on Brega hit a bakery and a restaurant, killing 15 civilians and wounding 20 more, Libyan state television claimed. The report further accused the coalition of "crimes against humanity". The claims were denied by NATO.[200]
28 June: NATO airstrike on the town of Tawergha, 300 km east of the Libyan capital, Tripoli kills eight civilians.[citation needed]
25 July: NATO airstrike on a medical clinic in Zliten kills 11 civilians, though the claim was denied by NATO, who said they hit a vehicle depot and communications center.[201][202]
20 July: NATO attacks Libyan state TV, Al-Jamahiriya. Three journalists killed.[203]
9 August: Libyan government claims 85 civilians were killed in a NATO airstrike in Majer, a village near Zliten. A spokesman confirms that NATO bombed Zliten at 2:34 a.m. on 9 August,[204] but says he was unable to confirm the casualties. Commander of the NATO military mission, Lieutenant GeneralCharles Bouchard says "I cannot believe that 85 civilians were present when we struck in the wee hours of the morning, and given our intelligence. But I cannot assure you that there were none at all".[205]
15 September: Gaddafi spokesman Moussa Ibrahim declares that NATO air strikes killed 354 civilians and wounded 700 others, while 89 other civilians are supposedly missing. He also claims that over 2,000 civilians have been killed by NATO air strikes since 1 September.[206] NATO denied the claims, saying they were unfounded.[207]
2 March 2012: United Nations Human Rights Council release their report about the aftermath of the Libyan civil war, concluding that in total 60 civilians were killed and 55 wounded by the NATO air campaign. In the same report, the UN Human Rights Council concludes that NATO "conducted a highly precise campaign with a demonstrable determination to avoid civilian casualties".[208] In May that same year, Human Rights Watch published a report claiming that at least 72 civilians were killed.[15]
Military losses on the coalition side
22 March 2011: One USAF F-15E flying from Aviano crashed in Bu Marim, northwest of Benghazi. The pilot was rescued alive by US Marines from the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit based on the USS Kearsarge. The weapons systems officer evaded hostile forces and was subsequently repatriated by Italian forces.[209][210] The aircraft crashed due to a mechanical failure.[211] The rescue operation involved two Bell-Boeing V-22 Osprey aircraft, two Sikorsky CH-53 Sea Stallion helicopters, and two McDonnell Douglas AV-8B Harrier II aircraft, all launched from the USS Kearsarge.[212] The operation involved the Harriers' dropping 227 kg (500 lb) bombs and strafing the area around the crash site before an Osprey recovered at least one of the downed aircraft's crew;[212][213] injuring six local civilians in the process.[214][215]
27 April 2011: An F-16 from the United Arab Emirates Air Force crashed at Naval Air Station Sigonella at about 11:35 local time; the pilot ejected safely.[216] The aircraft was confirmed to be from the UAE by the country's General Command of the armed forces, and had been arriving from Sardinia when it crashed.[216]
21 June 2011: An unmanned US Navy MQ-8 Fire Scout went down over Libya, possibly due to enemy fire.[10] NATO confirmed that they lost radar contact with the unmanned helicopter as it was performing an intelligence and reconnaissance mission near Zliten.[10] NATO began investigating the crash shortly after it occurred.[10] On 5 August, it was announced that the investigation had concluded that the cause of the crash was probably enemy fire; with an operator or mechanical failure ruled out and the inability of investigators to access the crash site the "logical conclusion" was that the aircraft had been shot down.[217]
20 July 2011: A British airman was killed in a traffic accident in Italy while part of a logistical convoy transferring supplies from the UK to NATO bases in the south of Italy from which air strikes were being conducted against Libya.[218][219]
Reaction
Since the start of the campaign, there have been allegations of violating the limits imposed upon the intervention by Resolution 1973 and by US law. At the end of May 2011, Western troops were captured on film in Libya, despite Resolution 1973 specifically forbidding "a foreign occupation force of any form on any part of Libyan territory".[220]
In a March 2011 Gallup poll, 47% of Americans had approved of military action against Libya, compared with 37% disapproval.[221]
On 10 June, US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates criticized some of the NATO member nations for their efforts, or lack thereof, to participate in the intervention in Libya. Gates singled out Germany, Poland, Spain, Turkey, and the Netherlands for criticism. He praised Canada, Norway, and Denmark, saying that although those three countries had only provided 12% of the aircraft to the operation, their aircraft had conducted one-third of the strikes.[222]
On 24 June, the US House voted against Joint Resolution 68, which would have authorized continued US military involvement in the NATO campaign for up to one year.[223][224] The majority of Republicans voted against the resolution,[225] with some questioning US interests in Libya and others criticizing the White House for overstepping its authority by conducting a military expedition without Congressional backing. House Democrats were split on the issue, with 115 voting in favor of and 70 voting against. Despite the failure of the President to receive legal authorization from Congress, the Obama administration continued its military campaign, carrying out the bulk of NATO's operations until the overthrow of Gaddafi in October.
On 9 August, the head of UNESCO, Irina Bokova deplored a NATO strike on Libyan State TV, Al-Jamahiriya, that killed 3 journalists and wounded others.[226] Bokova declared that media outlets should not be the target of military activities. On 11 August, after the NATO airstrike on Majer (on 9 August) that allegedly killed 85 civilians, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called on all sides to do as much as possible to avoid killing innocent people.[227]
According to a Gallup poll conducted in March and April 2012, a survey involving 1,000 Libyans showed 75% of Libyans were in favor of the NATO intervention, compared to 22% who were opposed.[228] A post-war Orb International poll involving 1,249 Libyans found broad support for the intervention, with 85% of Libyans saying that they strongly supported the action taken to remove the Ghadafi regime.[229]
Responsibility to protect
The military intervention in Libya has been cited by the Council on Foreign Relations as an example of the responsibility to protect policy adopted by the UN at the 2005 World Summit.[230] According to Gareth Evans, "[t]he international military intervention (SMH) in Libya is not about bombing for democracy or Muammar Gaddafi's head. Legally, morally, politically, and militarily it has only one justification: protecting the country's people."[230] However, the council also noted that the policy had been used only in Libya, and not in countries such as Côte d'Ivoire, undergoing a political crisis at the time, or in response to protests in Yemen.[230] A CFR expert, Stewert Patrick, said that "There is bound to be selectivity and inconsistency in the application of the responsibility to protect norm given the complexity of national interests at stake in...the calculations of other major powers involved in these situations."[230] In January 2012, the Arab Organization for Human Rights, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights and the International Legal Assistance Consortium published a report describing alleged human rights violations and accusing NATO of war crimes.[231]
United States Congress
On 3 June 2011, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a resolution, calling for a withdrawal of the United States military from the air and naval operations in and around Libya. It demanded that the administration provide, within 14 days, an explanation of why the President Barack Obama did not come to Congress for permission to continue to take part in the mission.[232]
On 13 June, the House passed a resolution prohibiting the use of funds for operations in the conflict, with 110 Democrats and 138 Republicans voting in favor.[233][234]Harold Koh, the State department's legal advisor, was called to testify in front of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations to defend the actions of the Obama administration under the War Powers Resolution.[235] Koh was questioned by the Committee on the Obama administration's interpretation of the word "hostilities" under the War Powers Resolution § 4(a)(1) and 5(b).[235] Koh reasoned that under the constitution, the term "hostilities" was left up for interpretation by the executive branch, and therefore the interpretation fit the historical definition of that word. Koh argued that historically the term "hostilities" has previously been used to mean limited military action acting in support of a conflict, and the scope of this operation suits that interpretation.[236] Ultimately the Committee still remained concerned by the actions of the President.[236]
On 24 June, the House rejected Joint Resolution 68, which would have provided the Obama administration with authorization to continue military operations in Libya for up to one year.[237]
Criticism
The military intervention was criticized, both at the time and subsequently, on a variety of grounds.
United Kingdom Parliament investigation
An in-depth investigation into the Libyan intervention and its aftermath was conducted by the UK Parliament's House of Commons' cross-party Foreign Affairs Committee, the final conclusions of which were released on 14 September 2016 in a report titled Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK's future policy options. The Foreign Affairs Select Committee saw no evidence that the UK Government carried out a proper analysis of the nature of the rebellion in Libya and it "selectively took elements of Muammar Gaddafi's rhetoric at face value; and it failed to identify the militant Islamist extremist element in the rebellion. UK strategy was founded on erroneous assumptions and an incomplete understanding of the evidence".[238] The report was strongly critical of the British government's role in the intervention.[239][240] The report concluded that the government "failed to identify that the threat to civilians was overstated and that the rebels included a significant Islamist element."[241] In particular, the committee concluded that Gaddafi was not planning to massacre civilians, and that reports to the contrary were propagated by rebels and Western governments.[242][238][243]
Contestation of evidence of civilian massacres by Gaddafi
Alison Pargeter, a freelance Middle East and North Africa (MENA) analyst, told the Committee that when Gaddafi's forces re-took Ajdabiya they did not attack civilians, and this had taken place in February 2011, shortly before the NATO intervention.[244] She also said that Gaddafi's approach towards the rebels had been one of "appeasement", with the release of Islamist prisoners and promises of significant development assistance for Benghazi.[244][non-primary source needed] However, evidence which was collected during the intervention suggested otherwise, showing things such as shooting deaths of hundreds of protestors, reports of mass rapes by Libyan Armed Forces and orders from Gaddafi's senior generals to bombard and starve the people of Misrata.[245][246][247][unreliable source?]
In his March 28 address, Barack Obama warned of an imminent risk of a massacre in Benghazi.[248] However, journalist S.Awan argued that the subsequent airstrikes "destroyed a very small convoy of government vehicles, including ambulances."[249] Furthermore, Professor Alan J. Kuperman argued against the idea of an imminent massacre in Benghazi, arguing that in captured cities such as Zawiya, Misurata and Ajdabiya no massacre had occurred, so Kuperman believed that there was little reason to think Benghazi would be any different.[249] While there were civilian casualties, he argued that there was no effort to target civilian concentrations, with Libya's air force primarily targeting rebel positions.[250]
Briefing to Hillary Clinton
According to the report, France's motive for initiating the intervention was economic and political as well as humanitarian. In a briefing to Hillary Clinton on 2 April 2011, her adviser Sidney Blumenthal reported that, according to high-level French intelligence, France's motives for overthrowing Gaddafi were to increase France's share of Libya's oil production, strengthen French influence in Africa, and improve President Sarkozy's standing at home.[251] The report also highlighted how Islamic extremists had a large influence on the uprising, which was largely ignored by the West to the future detriment of Libya.[239][240]
The American Libertarian Party opposed the U.S. military intervention.[252] Former Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader branded President Obama as a "war criminal"[253] and called for his impeachment.[254]
Resource control
Some critics of Western military intervention suggested that resources—not democratic or humanitarian concerns—were the real impetus for the intervention, among them a journalist of London Arab nationalist newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi, the Russian TV network RT and the (then-)leaders of Venezuela and Zimbabwe, Hugo Chávez and Robert Mugabe.[255][256][257]Gaddafi's Libya, despite its relatively small population, was known to possess vast resources, particularly in the form of oil reserves and financial capital.[258][better source needed]
Criticism from world leaders
The intervention prompted a widespread wave of criticism from several world leaders, including: Iran's Supreme LeaderAyatollah Khamenei (who said he supported the rebels but not Western intervention[257]), Venezuelan PresidentHugo Chávez (who referred to Gaddafi as a "martyr"[256]), South African President Jacob Zuma,[259][failed verification] and President of ZimbabweRobert Mugabe (who referred to the Western nations as "vampires"[255]), as well as the governments of Raúl Castro in Cuba,[260]Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua,[261]Kim Jong-il in North Korea,[262]Hifikepunye Pohamba in Namibia,[263]Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus,[264][265][266] and others. Gaddafi himself referred to the intervention as a "colonial crusade … capable of unleashing a full-scale war",[267] a sentiment that was echoed by Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin: "[UNSC Resolution 1973] is defective and flawed...It allows everything. It resembles medieval calls for crusades."[268] President Hu Jintao of the People's Republic of China said, "Dialogue and other peaceful means are the ultimate solutions to problems," and added, "If military action brings disaster to civilians and causes a humanitarian crisis, then it runs counter to the purpose of the UN resolution."[269] Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was critical of the intervention as well, rebuking the coalition in a speech at the UN in September 2011.[270] Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, despite the substantial role his country played in the NATO mission, also spoke out against getting involved: "I had my hands tied by the vote of the parliament of my country. But I was against and I am against this intervention which will end in a way that no-one knows" and added, "This wasn't a popular uprising because Gaddafi was loved by his people, as I was able to see when I went to Libya."[271][272]
Despite its stated opposition to NATO intervention, Russia abstained from voting on Resolution 1973 instead of exercising its veto power as a permanent member of the Security Council; four other powerful nations also abstained from the vote—India, China, Germany, and Brazil—but of that group only China has the same veto power.[273]
Other criticisms
Micah Zenko argues that the Obama administration deceived the public by pretending the intervention was intended to protect Libyan civilians instead of achieving regime change when "in truth, the Libyan intervention was about regime change from the very start".[274]
A 2013 paper by Alan Kuperman argued that NATO went beyond its remit of providing protection for civilians and instead supported the rebels by engaging in regime change. It argued that NATO's intervention likely extended the length (and thus damage) of the civil war, which Kuperman argued could have ended in less than two months without NATO intervention. The paper argued that the intervention was based on a misperception of the danger Gaddafi's forces posed to the civilian population, which Kuperman suggests was caused by existing bias against Gaddafi due to his past actions (such as support for terrorism), sloppy and sensationalistic journalism during the early stages of the war and propaganda from anti-government forces. Kuperman suggests that this demonization of Gaddafi, which was used to justify the intervention, ended up discouraging efforts to accept a ceasefire and negotiated settlement, turning a humanitarian intervention into a dedicated regime change.[275][undue weight? – discuss]
Moreover, criticisms have been made on the way the operation was led. According to Michael Kometer and Stephen E. Wright in Focus stratégique, the outcome of the Libyan intervention was reached by default rather than by design. It appears that there was an important lack of consistent political guidance caused particularly by the vagueness of the UN mandate and the ambiguous consensus among the NATO-led coalition. This lack of clear political guidance was translated into an incoherent military planning on the operational level. Such a gap may impact the future NATO's operations that will probably face trust issues.[276][undue weight? – discuss]
Costs
On 22 March 2011, BBC News presented a breakdown of the likely costs to the UK of the mission.[293] Journalist Francis Tusa, editor of Defence Analysis, estimated that flying a Tornado GR4 would cost about £35,000 an hour (c. US$48,000), so the cost of patrolling one sector of Libyan airspace would be £2M–3M (US$2.75M–4.13M) per day. Conventional airborne missiles would cost £800,000 each and Tomahawk cruise missiles £750,000 each.[citation needed] Professor Malcolm Charmers of the Royal United Services Institute similarly suggested that a single cruise missile would cost about £500,000, while a single Tornado sortie would cost about £30,000 in fuel alone. If a Tornado was downed the replacement cost would be upwards of £50m. By 22 March the US and UK had already fired more than 110 cruise missiles. UK ChancellorGeorge Osborne had said that the MoD estimate of the operation cost was "tens rather than hundreds of millions".[293] On 4 April Air Chief MarshalSir Stephen Dalton said that the RAF was planning to continue operations over Libya for at least six months.[294]
The total number of sorties flown by NATO numbered more than 26,000, an average of 120 sorties per day. 42% of the sorties were strike sorties, which damaged or destroyed approximately 6,000 military targets. At its peak, the operation involved more than 8,000 servicemen and women, 21 NATO ships in the Mediterranean and more than 250 aircraft of all types. By the end of the operation, NATO had conducted over 3,000 hailings at sea and almost 300 boardings for inspection, with 11 vessels denied transit to their next port of call.[295] Eight NATO and two non-NATO countries flew strike sorties. Of these, Denmark, Canada, and Norway together were responsible for 31%,[296] the United States was responsible for 16%, Italy 10%, France 33%, Britain 21%, and Belgium, Qatar, and the UAE the remainder.[297]
Aftermath
Since the end of the war, which overthrew Gaddafi, there has been violence involving various militias and the new state security forces.[298][299] The violence has escalated into the Second Libyan Civil War. Critics described the military intervention as "disastrous" and accused it of destabilizing North Africa, leading to the rise of Islamic extremist groups in the region.[300][242] Libya became what many scholars described as a failed state — a state that has disintegrated to a point where the government no longer performs its function properly.[301][302][303]
Libya has become the main exit for migrants trying to get to Europe.[304] In September 2015, South African President Jacob Zuma said that "consistent and systematic bombing by NATO forces undermined the security and caused conflicts that are continuing in Libya and neighbouring countries ... It was the actions taken, the bombarding of Libya and killing of its leader, that opened the flood gates."[305]
In a 2016 interview with Fox News, U.S. President Barack Obama stated that the "worst mistake" of his presidency was "probably failing to plan for the day after what I think was the right thing to do in intervening in Libya."[306][307] Obama also acknowledged there had been issues with following up the conflict planning, commenting in a 2016 interview with The Atlantic magazine that British Prime Minister David Cameron had allowed himself to be "distracted by a range of other things".[308][309][310]
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Further reading
Bernard, Alexander (2004). "Lessons from Iraq and Bosnia on the Theory and Practice of No-Fly Zones". Journal of Strategic Studies. 27 (3): 454–478. doi:10.1080/1362369042000282985. S2CID 154870756.
Chesterman, Simon (2011). "'Leading from Behind': The Responsibility to Protect, the Obama Doctrine, and Humanitarian Intervention After Libya". Ethics & International Affairs. 25 (3): 279–285. doi:10.1017/S0892679411000190. S2CID 145791123. SSRN 1855843.
Krain, Matthew (2005). "International Intervention and the Severity of Genocides and Politicides". International Studies Quarterly. 49 (3): 363–388. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2478.2005.00369.x.
Xypolia, Ilia (2022). "From the White Man's Burden to the Responsible Saviour: Justifying Humanitarian Intervention in Libya". Middle East Critique. 31 (1): 1–19. doi:10.1080/19436149.2022.2030981. hdl:2164/18262. S2CID 246644730.
Larsen, Henrik Boesen Lindbo (2011). "Libya: Beyond Regime Change" (PDF). DIIS Policy Brief. October 2011. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 May 2013.
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to 2011 military intervention in Libya.
Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK's future policy options (html)(pdf) (2016) Conclusions of an in-depth investigation by the U.K. Parliament's House of Commons' bipartisan Foreign Affairs Committee.
Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK's future policy options inquiry
Libya: allied military assets and initial attack sites. The Guardian. 21 March 2011, interactive map
Chulov, Martin; Dehghan, Saeed Kamali; Marsh, Katherine (21 March 2011). "Libyan Air Strikes: Reactions around the Middle East". The Guardian.
Unofficial page about aircraft involved in Operation Harmattan
Unofficial page about warships involved in Operation Harmattan
Unofficial page about CVN Charles de Gaulle in Operation Harmattan
Security Council Approves 'No-Fly Zone' over Libya, Authorizing 'All Necessary Measures' to Protect Civilians, by Vote of 10 in Favour with 5 Abstentions