Насилие в отношении женщин ( VAW ), также известное как гендерное насилие [1] [2] и сексуальное и гендерное насилие ( SGBV ), [3] — это акты насилия, совершаемые в основном мужчинами или мальчиками против женщин или девочек . Такое насилие часто считается формой преступления на почве ненависти , [4] совершаемого против лиц, в частности, потому что они женского пола , и может принимать различные формы.
VAW имеет очень долгую историю, хотя инциденты и интенсивность такого насилия менялись со временем и между обществами. Такое насилие часто рассматривается как механизм подчинения женщин, будь то в обществе в целом или в межличностных отношениях . [5] [6]
В Декларации ООН об искоренении насилия в отношении женщин говорится, что «насилие в отношении женщин является проявлением исторически неравных властных отношений между мужчинами и женщинами» и что «насилие в отношении женщин является одним из важнейших социальных механизмов, посредством которого женщины принуждаются занимать подчиненное положение по сравнению с мужчинами». [7]
Генеральный секретарь Организации Объединенных Наций Кофи Аннан заявил в докладе за 2006 год, опубликованном на веб-сайте Фонда Организации Объединенных Наций для развития в интересах женщин (ЮНИФЕМ):
Насилие в отношении женщин и девочек является проблемой пандемических масштабов. По крайней мере, одна из трех женщин в мире подвергалась избиениям, принуждению к сексу или иному насилию в течение своей жизни, причем насильником обычно был кто-то, кого она знала. [8]
Различные международные органы приняли ряд международных инструментов, направленных на искоренение насилия в отношении женщин и домашнего насилия. Обычно они начинаются с определения того, что такое насилие, и предложения по борьбе с ним. Стамбульская конвенция ( Конвенция Совета Европы о предотвращении и борьбе с насилием в отношении женщин и домашним насилием ) Совета Европы описывает насилие в отношении женщин как «нарушение прав человека и форму дискриминации в отношении женщин» и определяет насилие в отношении женщин как «все акты насилия по признаку пола, которые приводят или могут привести к физическому, сексуальному, психологическому или экономическому вреду или страданиям женщин, включая угрозы таких актов, принуждение или произвольное лишение свободы, будь то в общественной или личной жизни». [9]
Конвенция о ликвидации всех форм дискриминации в отношении женщин (CEDAW) 1979 года Генеральной Ассамблеи Организации Объединенных Наций дает рекомендации, касающиеся насилия в отношении женщин, [10] а Венская декларация и Программа действий упоминают насилие в отношении женщин. [11] Однако резолюция Генеральной Ассамблеи Организации Объединенных Наций 1993 года о Декларации об искоренении насилия в отношении женщин стала первым международным документом, который четко определил насилие в отношении женщин и подробно остановился на этой теме. [12] Другие определения насилия в отношении женщин изложены в Межамериканской конвенции 1994 года о предупреждении, наказании и искоренении насилия в отношении женщин [13] и в Протоколе Мапуту 2003 года . [14]
Кроме того, термин гендерное насилие относится к «любым действиям или угрозам действий, направленным на то, чтобы причинить женщинам физический, сексуальный или психологический вред или заставить их страдать, и которые затрагивают женщин, потому что они женщины, или затрагивают женщин несоразмерно». [15] Гендерное насилие часто используется взаимозаменяемо с насилием в отношении женщин , [1] и некоторые статьи о насилии в отношении женщин повторяют эти концепции, заявляя, что мужчины являются основными виновниками этого насилия. [16] Более того, определение, изложенное в Декларации 1993 года об искоренении насилия в отношении женщин, также поддерживает идею о том, что насилие коренится в неравенстве между мужчинами и женщинами, когда термин насилие используется вместе с термином гендерное . [1]
В Рекомендации Rec(2002)5 Комитета министров государствам-членам о защите женщин от насилия Совет Европы постановил, что насилие в отношении женщин «включает в себя, но не ограничивается следующим»: [17]
Эти определения насилия в отношении женщин как основанные на гендере, некоторые считают неудовлетворительными. Эти определения понимают общество как патриархальное, что означает неравные отношения между мужчинами и женщинами. [18] Противники таких определений утверждают, что определения игнорируют насилие в отношении мужчин и что термин «гендер» , используемый в гендерном насилии , относится только к женщинам. Другие критики утверждают, что использование термина «гендер» таким образом вводит понятия неполноценности и подчиненности для женственности и превосходства для мужественности. [19] [20] Не существует общепринятого в настоящее время определения, которое охватывало бы все аспекты гендерного насилия. [21]
Насилие в отношении женщин можно разделить на несколько широких категорий. К ним относятся насилие, совершаемое как отдельными лицами, так и государствами. Некоторые формы насилия, совершаемые отдельными лицами, включают: изнасилование , домашнее насилие , сексуальные домогательства , обливание кислотой , репродуктивное принуждение , убийство девочек , дородовой отбор пола , акушерское насилие , гендерное насилие в Интернете и насилие толпы ; а также вредные обычаи или традиции, такие как убийства чести , насилие из-за приданого , женское обрезание , брак путем похищения и принудительный брак . Существуют формы насилия, которые могут совершаться или потворствоваться правительством, такие как изнасилование во время войны ; сексуальное насилие и сексуальное рабство во время конфликта, принудительная стерилизация ; принудительный аборт ; насилие со стороны полиции и уполномоченного персонала; забивание камнями и порка . Многие формы насилия в отношении женщин, такие как торговля женщинами и принудительная проституция, часто совершаются организованными преступными сетями. [21] Исторически существовали формы организованного насилия в отношении женщин, такие как суды над ведьмами в ранний современный период или сексуальное рабство женщин для утех . Комиссия по гендерному равенству Совета Европы выделяет девять форм насилия в отношении женщин на основе субъекта и контекста, а не жизненного цикла или периода времени: [27] [28]
Всемирная организация здравоохранения (ВОЗ) разработала типологию насилия в отношении женщин на основе их культурных жизненных циклов.
Сексуальное домогательство включает в себя ряд действий с нежелательным сексуальным подтекстом, включая словесные оскорбления. [30] Сексуальное насилие — более широкий термин, относящийся к использованию насилия для получения сексуального акта, включая, например, торговлю людьми. [31] [32] Сексуальное насилие обычно определяется как нежелательный сексуальный контакт [33], а когда это включает в себя сексуальное проникновение или половой акт , это называется изнасилованием .
Женщины чаще всего становятся жертвами изнасилований, обычно совершаемых знакомыми им мужчинами. [34] Уровень сообщений, судебного преследования и обвинительных приговоров за изнасилование значительно различается в разных юрисдикциях и в некоторой степени отражает отношение общества к таким преступлениям. Это считается самым недооцененным насильственным преступлением. [35] [36] После изнасилования жертва может столкнуться с насилием или угрозами насилия со стороны насильника, а во многих культурах — со стороны собственной семьи и родственников жертвы. Насилие или запугивание жертвы может совершаться насильником или друзьями и родственниками насильника как способ помешать жертве сообщить об изнасиловании, наказать ее за сообщение об этом или заставить ее отозвать жалобу; или это может совершаться родственниками жертвы в качестве наказания за «опозоривание» семьи. На международном уровне количество изнасилований, зарегистрированных полицией в 2008 году, варьировалось от 0,1 на 100 000 человек в Египте до 91,6 на 100 000 человек в Лесото, а медианное значение составило 4,9 на 100 000 человек в Литве . [37] Во всем мире изнасилования часто не регистрируются или не рассматриваются должным образом правоохранительными органами по самым разным причинам. [38] [39]
В 2011 году Центры по контролю и профилактике заболеваний США (CDC) обнаружили, что «почти 20% всех женщин» в Соединенных Штатах когда-либо в своей жизни подвергались попыткам изнасилования или изнасилованию. Более трети жертв были изнасилованы в возрасте до 18 лет. [40] [41]
Женщины, работающие в секс-индустрии, попадают в эту профессию по нескольким причинам. Некоторые из них стали жертвами сексуального и домашнего насилия. Многие женщины заявили, что их изнасиловали, когда они работали. Они могут опасаться сообщать о своих нападениях. Когда им сообщили об этом, многие женщины сказали, что стигма была слишком сильной, и что полиция сказала им, что они этого заслуживают, и они не хотели следовать политике полиции. Декриминализация секс-индустрии, как утверждается, поможет секс-работникам в этом аспекте. [42]
В некоторых странах мужчины старшего возраста часто вступают в «компенсированные свидания» с несовершеннолетними девочками. Такие отношения называются enjo kōsai в Японии и также распространены в азиатских странах, таких как Тайвань, Южная Корея и Гонконг. ВОЗ осудила «экономически принудительный секс (например, школьницы занимаются сексом с «папиками» ( Sugar baby в обмен на плату за обучение)» как форму насилия в отношении женщин. [29]
Женщины из некоторых низших каст были вовлечены в проституцию как часть традиции, называемой межпоколенческой проституцией . В досовременной Корее женщины из низшей касты Чонмин , известные как Кисэн , обучались предоставлять развлечения, беседы и сексуальные услуги мужчинам из высшего класса. [43] В Южной Азии касты , связанные с проституцией сегодня, включают Бедиас , [44] касту Перна , [45] Банчхада , [ 46] касту Нат и, в Непале , народ Бади . [47] [48]
Женщины с нелегальным статусом резидента непропорционально вовлечены в проституцию. Например, в 1997 году Le Monde diplomatique заявила, что 80% проституток в Амстердаме были иностранками, а 70% не имели иммиграционных документов. [49]
Милитаризм создает особые условия, которые способствуют росту насилия в отношении женщин. Военные изнасилования сопровождали войну практически во все известные исторические эпохи. [50] Изнасилование в ходе войны многократно упоминается в Библии: «Ибо Я соберу все народы на войну против Иерусалима, и город будет взят, и дома его разграблены, и женщины изнасилованы...» Захария 14:2 «Их дети будут разбиты насмерть на глазах у них, и их дома будут разграблены, и их жены изнасилованы». Исаия 13:16
Военные изнасилования — это изнасилования, совершенные солдатами, другими комбатантами или гражданскими лицами во время вооруженного конфликта или войны или во время военной оккупации, в отличие от сексуальных нападений и изнасилований, совершенных среди военнослужащих. Это также касается ситуации, когда женщины принуждаются к проституции или сексуальному рабству оккупационной властью. Во время Второй мировой войны японские военные создали бордели, заполненные « женщинами для утешения », девочками и женщинами, которых принуждали к сексуальному рабству для солдат, эксплуатируя женщин с целью создания доступа и права для мужчин. [51] [52] Люди редко пытаются объяснить, почему изнасилования происходят на войнах. Одно из объяснений, которое было распространено, состояло в том, что у мужчин на войне есть «побуждения». [53]
Другой пример насилия в отношении женщин, спровоцированного милитаризмом во время войны, имел место в Ковенском гетто . Еврейские заключенные-мужчины имели доступ к еврейским женщинам (и использовали их), которых нацисты заставляли в лагерные бордели, а они их также использовали. [54]
Изнасилования во время войны за освобождение Бангладеш членами пакистанских военных и ополченцев , которые их поддерживали, привели к тому, что за девять месяцев было изнасиловано 200 000 женщин. Изнасилования во время Боснийской войны использовались как высокосистематизированный инструмент войны сербскими вооруженными силами, в основном нацеленными на женщин и девочек из этнической группы боснийцев для физического и морального уничтожения. Оценки числа женщин, изнасилованных во время войны, колеблются от 50 000 до 60 000; по состоянию на 2010 год было возбуждено только 12 дел. [55]
Международный уголовный трибунал по Руанде 1998 года признал изнасилование во время геноцида в Руанде военным преступлением. [56]
Согласно одному отчету, захват Исламским государством Ирака и Леванта иракских городов в июне 2014 года сопровождался всплеском преступлений против женщин, включая похищения и изнасилования. [57] The Guardian сообщила, что экстремистская программа ИГИЛ распространилась и на женские тела, и что женщины, живущие под их контролем, были захвачены и насилованы. [58] Бойцам говорят, что они могут свободно заниматься сексом и насиловать пленных женщин-немусульманок. [59] Хале Эсфандиари из Международного центра ученых Вудро Вильсона подчеркнула насилие над местными женщинами со стороны боевиков ИГИЛ после того, как они захватили территорию. «Обычно они отвозят пожилых женщин на импровизированный рынок рабов и пытаются продать их. Молодых девушек... насилуют или выдают замуж за боевиков», — сказала она, добавив: «Это основано на временных браках, и как только эти боевики занимаются сексом с этими молодыми девушками, они просто передают их другим боевикам». [60] В декабре 2014 года Министерство по правам человека Ирака объявило, что Исламское государство Ирака и Леванта убило более 150 женщин и девочек в Фаллудже , которые отказались участвовать в сексуальном джихаде . [61]
Во время геноцида рохинджа (с 2016 года по настоящее время) Вооруженные силы Мьянмы , вместе с пограничной полицией Мьянмы и буддистскими ополченцами Ракхайна , совершили массовые групповые изнасилования и другие формы сексуального насилия в отношении женщин и девочек-мусульманок рохинджа . Исследование, проведенное в январе 2018 года, показало, что военные и местные буддисты Ракхайна совершили групповые изнасилования и другие формы сексуального насилия в отношении 18 000 женщин и девочек-мусульманок рохинджа. [62] Human Rights Watch заявила, что групповые изнасилования и сексуальное насилие совершались в рамках кампании военных по этнической чистке, в то время как Специальный представитель Генерального секретаря ООН по вопросу о сексуальном насилии в условиях конфликта Прамила Паттен заявила, что женщины и девочки рохинджа стали «систематической» целью изнасилований и сексуального насилия из-за их этнической идентичности и религии . Другие формы сексуального насилия включали сексуальное рабство в военном плену, принудительную публичную наготу и унижение. [63] Некоторые женщины и девочки были изнасилованы до смерти, а другие были найдены травмированными с открытыми ранами после того, как они прибыли в лагеря беженцев в Бангладеш. Human Rights Watch сообщила о 15-летней девочке, которую безжалостно тащили по земле более 50 футов, а затем изнасиловали 10 бирманских солдат. [64] [65]
Торговля людьми относится к приобретению людей ненадлежащими способами, такими как сила, мошенничество или обман, с целью их эксплуатации . [66] Протокол о предупреждении и пресечении торговли людьми, особенно женщинами и детьми , и наказании за нее гласит: [67]
«Торговля людьми» означает вербовку, перевозку, передачу, укрывательство или получение людей путем угрозы силой или ее применения или других форм принуждения, похищения, мошенничества, обмана, злоупотребления властью или уязвимостью положения, либо путем подкупа, в виде платежей или выгод, для получения согласия лица, контролирующего другое лицо, в целях эксплуатации. Эксплуатация включает, как минимум, эксплуатацию проституции других лиц или другие формы сексуальной эксплуатации, принудительный труд или услуги, рабство или обычаи, сходные с рабством, подневольное состояние или извлечение органов.
Из-за незаконного характера торговли людьми надежные данные о ее масштабах весьма ограничены. [ 68] ВОЗ заявляет: «Текущие данные убедительно свидетельствуют о том, что те, кого продают в секс-индустрию и в качестве домашней прислуги, с большей вероятностью являются женщинами и детьми». [68] Исследование, проведенное в Европе в 2006 году среди женщин, ставших жертвами торговли людьми, показало, что женщины подвергались серьезным формам насилия, таким как физическое или сексуальное насилие, которое влияло на их физическое и психическое здоровье. [68]
Принудительная проституция — это проституция , которая происходит в результате принуждения третьей стороной. В принудительной проституции сторона/стороны, которые заставляют жертву подвергаться нежелательным сексуальным действиям, осуществляют контроль над жертвой. [69]
Одинокие женщины и женщины, которые экономически независимы, подвергались поношению со стороны определенных групп мужчин. В Хасси-Мессауде в Алжире в 2001 году толпы нападали на одиноких женщин , нападая на 95 и убивая по меньшей мере шесть [70] [71] и в 2011 году подобные нападения повторялись по всему Алжиру. [72] [73]
Преследование — это нежелательное или навязчивое внимание со стороны отдельного человека или группы к другому человеку, часто проявляющееся в виде постоянного преследования , запугивания или слежения/мониторинга жертвы. Преследование часто понимается как «линия поведения, направленная на конкретного человека, которая заставила бы разумного человека почувствовать страх». [74] Хотя преследователей часто изображают как незнакомцев, чаще всего это известные люди, такие как бывшие или нынешние партнеры, друзья, коллеги или знакомые. В США исследование NVAW показало, что только 23% женщин-жертв преследовались незнакомцами. [75] Преследование со стороны партнеров может быть очень опасным, так как иногда оно может перерасти в серьезное насилие, включая убийство. [75] Полицейская статистика Австралии за 1990-е годы показала, что 87,7% преступников, совершающих преследование, были мужчинами, а 82,4% жертв преследования — женщинами. [76]
Кислотное нападение — это акт обливания кого-либо кислотой с намерением нанести ему травму или изуродовать его. Женщины и девочки становятся жертвами в 75–80% случаев [77] и часто связаны с бытовыми спорами, включая споры о приданом, отказ от предложения руки и сердца или сексуальные домогательства. [78] Кислоту обычно выливают в лицо, обжигая ткани, часто обнажая и иногда растворяя кости. [79] Долгосрочные последствия этих нападений включают слепоту и постоянные рубцы на лице и теле. [80] [81] Такие нападения распространены в Южной Азии, в таких странах, как Бангладеш, Пакистан и Индия; и в Юго-Восточной Азии, особенно в Камбодже. [82]
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Принудительный брак — это брак, в котором одна или обе стороны вступают в брак против своей воли. Принудительные браки распространены в Южной Азии, на Ближнем Востоке и в Африке. Обычаи выкупа невесты и приданого , существующие во многих частях мира, способствуют этой практике. Принудительный брак также часто является результатом спора между семьями, где спор «решается» путем передачи женщины из одной семьи в другую. [83]
Обычай похищения невест продолжает существовать в некоторых странах Центральной Азии, таких как Кыргызстан, Казахстан, Узбекистан и Кавказ, или в некоторых частях Африки, особенно в Эфиопии. Девушку или женщину похищает будущий жених, которому часто помогают его друзья. Жертву часто насилует будущий жених, после чего он может попытаться договориться о выкупе за невесту со старейшинами деревни, чтобы узаконить брак. [84]
Принудительные и детские браки практикуются некоторыми жителями Танзании. Девочек продают их семьи мужчинам постарше за финансовую выгоду, и часто девочек выдают замуж, как только они достигают половой зрелости, которая может быть в возрасте семи лет. [85] Для мужчин постарше эти молодые невесты выступают символами мужественности и достижений. Несовершеннолетние невесты терпят принудительный секс, что создает риски для здоровья и задержки роста. [86] Начальное образование обычно не заканчивается для девочек, вышедших замуж по принуждению. Замужние и беременные ученицы часто подвергаются дискриминации, исключаются и исключаются из школы. [85] Закон о браке в настоящее время не решает проблемы опеки и детских браков. Проблема детских браков недостаточно освещена в этом законе и устанавливает только минимальный возраст 18 лет для мальчиков Танзании. Необходимо обеспечить минимальный возраст для девочек, чтобы прекратить эту практику и предоставить им равные права и менее вредную жизнь. [87]
Обычай приданого , распространенный в Южной Азии, особенно в Индии, является причиной многих форм насилия в отношении женщин. Сожжение невесты — это форма насилия в отношении женщин, при которой невесту убивает дома ее муж или семья мужа из-за его недовольства приданым, предоставленным ее семьей. Смерть из-за приданого относится к явлению, когда женщины и девочки убиваются или совершают самоубийства из-за споров по поводу приданого. Насилие из-за приданого распространено в Индии, Пакистане, Бангладеш и Непале. Только в 2011 году в Индии Национальное бюро регистрации преступлений сообщило о 8618 случаях смерти из-за приданого, в то время как неофициальные данные свидетельствуют о том, что эти цифры как минимум в три раза выше. [88]
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Связь между насилием в отношении женщин и законами, правилами и традициями о браке также обсуждалась. [89] [90] Римское право давало мужчинам право наказывать своих жен, даже вплоть до смерти. [91] Американское и английское право вплоть до 20-го века придерживались системы coverture , то есть правовой доктрины, согласно которой после вступления в брак юридические права женщины были подчинены правам ее мужа. [92] Общее право в Соединенных Штатах и Великобритании допускало домашнее насилие [93], а в Великобритании до 1891 года муж имел право применять умеренные телесные наказания к своей жене, чтобы держать ее «в рамках долга». [94] [95] Сегодня за пределами Запада многие страны серьезно ограничивают права замужних женщин: например, в Йемене брачные правила гласят, что жена должна подчиняться своему мужу и не должна выходить из дома без его разрешения. [96] В Ираке мужья имеют законное право «наказывать» своих жен. В пункте 41 уголовного кодекса говорится, что нет преступления, если действие совершено при осуществлении законного права; примерами законных прав являются: «Наказание жены ее мужем, дисциплинарное воздействие родителей и учителей на детей, находящихся под их властью, в определенных пределах, предписанных законом или обычаем». [97] На Западе замужние женщины сталкивались с дискриминацией еще несколько десятилетий назад: например, во Франции замужние женщины получили право работать без разрешения мужа в 1965 году. [98] В Испании во времена Франко замужней женщине требовалось согласие мужа ( permiso marital ) почти на все виды экономической деятельности, включая занятость, владение имуществом и поездки вдали от дома; permiso marital был отменен в 1975 году. [99] Существуют опасения по поводу насилия, связанного с браком, — как внутри брака (физическое насилие, сексуальное насилие, ограничение свободы), так и в отношении брачных обычаев ( приданое , выкуп за невесту , принудительный брак , детский брак , брак путем похищения , насилие, связанное с женской добрачной девственностью ). Клаудия Кард, профессор философии в Университете Висконсин-Мэдисон, пишет: [100]
Женщины чаще становятся жертвами кого-то, с кем они близки, что обычно называется « насилием со стороны интимного партнера » (ИПВ). Случаи ИПВ, как правило, не сообщаются в полицию, и поэтому многим экспертам сложно оценить истинный масштаб проблемы. [101] Хотя эта форма насилия часто рассматривается как проблема в контексте гетеросексуальных отношений, она также встречается в лесбийских отношениях, [102] отношениях дочери и матери, отношениях соседей по комнате и других домашних отношениях с участием двух женщин. Насилие в отношении женщин в лесбийских отношениях встречается примерно так же часто, как и насилие в отношении женщин в гетеросексуальных отношениях. [103]
Женщины гораздо чаще, чем мужчины, подвергаются убийствам со стороны интимных партнеров. В Соединенных Штатах в 2005 году 1181 женщина была убита своими интимными партнерами по сравнению с 329 мужчинами. [104] [105] По оценкам, 30% или более женщин, поступивших в отделение неотложной помощи, могли стать жертвами домашнего насилия.
[106] В Англии и Уэльсе около 100 женщин ежегодно погибают от рук партнеров или бывших партнеров, в то время как в 2010 году погибло 21 мужчина . [107] В 2008 году во Франции 156 женщин были убиты своими интимными партнерами по сравнению с 27 мужчинами. [108] По данным ВОЗ, во всем мире до 38% убийств женщин совершаются интимными партнерами. [109] В докладе ООН, составленном на основе ряда различных исследований, проведенных по меньшей мере в 71 стране, установлено, что домашнее насилие в отношении женщин наиболее распространено в Эфиопии . [110] Исследование, проведенное Панамериканской организацией здравоохранения в 12 странах Латинской Америки , показало, что самая высокая распространенность домашнего насилия в отношении женщин наблюдается в Боливии . [111] В Западной Европе страной, которая получила серьезную международную критику за то, как она юридически решает проблему насилия в отношении женщин, является Финляндия; при этом авторы отмечают, что высокий уровень равенства женщин в общественной сфере (как в Финляндии) никогда не следует приравнивать к равенству во всех других аспектах жизни женщин. [112] [113] [114]
Комитеты Американской психиатрической ассоциации по планированию и исследованиям для предстоящего DSM-5 (2013) рассмотрели ряд новых расстройств отношений , которые включают расстройство супружеского конфликта без насилия или расстройство супружеского насилия (расстройство супружеского конфликта с насилием) . [115] : 164, 166 Пары с супружескими расстройствами иногда попадают в поле зрения клиницистов, потому что пара осознает давнюю неудовлетворенность своим браком и приходит к врачу по собственной инициативе или по направлению проницательного специалиста в области здравоохранения. Во-вторых, в браке есть серьезное насилие, которое «обычно заключается в том, что муж избивает жену». [115] : 163 В этих случаях отделение неотложной помощи или юридический орган часто первыми уведомляют врача . Самое важное, что насилие в браке «является основным фактором риска серьезных травм и даже смерти, и женщины в насильственных браках подвергаются гораздо большему риску получить серьезные травмы или погибнуть ( Национальный консультативный совет по насилию в отношении женщин, 2000 г.)». [115] : 166 Авторы этого исследования добавляют: «В настоящее время ведутся серьезные споры о том, следует ли рассматривать насилие в браке между мужчинами и женщинами как отражение мужской психопатологии и контроля или же существует эмпирическая база и клиническая полезность для концептуализации этих моделей как реляционных». [115] : 166
Рекомендации для врачей, ставящих диагноз расстройства супружеских отношений , должны включать оценку фактического или «потенциального» мужского насилия так же регулярно, как они оценивают потенциал самоубийства у пациентов с депрессией. Кроме того, «врачи не должны ослаблять бдительность после того, как избитая жена уходит от мужа, поскольку некоторые данные свидетельствуют о том, что период, следующий сразу за супружеским расставанием, является периодом наибольшего риска для женщин. Многие мужчины будут преследовать и избивать своих жен, пытаясь заставить их вернуться или наказать их за уход. Первоначальные оценки потенциала насилия в браке могут быть дополнены стандартизированными интервью и анкетами, которые оказались надежными и действенными средствами для более систематического изучения супружеского насилия». [115] : 166
The authors conclude with what they call "very recent information"[115]: 167, 168 on the course of violent marriages, which suggests that "over time a husband's battering may abate somewhat, but perhaps because he has successfully intimidated his wife. The risk of violence remains strong in a marriage in which it has been a feature in the past. Thus, treatment is essential here; the clinician cannot just wait and watch."[115]: 167, 168 The most urgent clinical priority is the protection of the wife because she is the one most frequently at risk, and clinicians must be aware that supporting assertiveness by a battered wife may lead to more beatings or even death.[115]: 167, 168
Marital or spousal rape was once widely condoned or ignored by law and is now widely considered unacceptable violence against women, repudiated by international conventions, and increasingly criminalized. Still, in many countries, spousal rape either remains legal or is illegal but is widely tolerated and accepted as a husband's prerogative. The criminalization of spousal rape is recent, having occurred during the past few decades. Traditional understanding and views of marriage, rape, sexuality, gender roles and self determination have started to be challenged in most Western countries during the 1960s and 1970s, which has led to the subsequent criminalization of marital rape during the following decades. With a few notable exceptions, it was during the past 30 years that most laws against marital rape have been enacted. Some countries in Scandinavia and in the former Communist Bloc of Europe made spousal rape illegal before 1970, but most Western countries criminalized it only in the 1980s and 1990s. In many parts of the world the laws against marital rape are very new, having been enacted in the 2000s.[116]
In Canada, marital rape was made illegal in 1983, when several legal changes were made, including changing the rape statute to sexual assault and making the laws gender neutral.[117][118][119] In Ireland, spousal rape was outlawed in 1990.[120] In the US, the criminalization of marital rape started in the mid-1970s, and in 1993, North Carolina became the last state to make marital rape illegal.[121]In England and Wales, marital rape was made illegal in 1991. The views of Sir Matthew Hale, a 17th-century jurist, published in The History of the Pleas of the Crown (1736), stated that a husband cannot be guilty of the rape of his wife because the wife "hath given up herself in this kind to her husband, which she cannot retract"; in England and Wales, this would remain law for more than 250 years, until it was abolished by the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords, in the case of R v. R in 1991.[122] In the Netherlands, marital rape was also made illegal in 1991.[123] One of the last Western countries to criminalize marital rape was Germany, in 1997.[124]
The relationship between some religions (Christianity and Islam) and marital rape is controversial. The Bible at 1 Corinthians 7:3-5 explains that one has a "conjugal duty" to have sexual relations with one's spouse (in sharp opposition to sex outside marriage, which is considered a sin) and states, "The wife does not have authority over her own body, but the husband does. And likewise, the husband does not have authority over his own body, but the wife does. Do not deprive one another."[125] Some conservative religious figures interpret this as rejecting to possibility of marital rape.[126] Islam makes reference to sexual relations in marriage too, notably: "Allah's Apostle said, 'If a husband calls his wife to his bed (i.e. to have sexual relation) and she refuses and causes him to sleep in anger, the angels will curse her till morning';"[127] and several comments on the issue of marital rape made by Muslim religious leaders have been criticized.[128][129]
Dating abuse, or dating violence, is the perpetration of coercion, intimidation, or assault in the context of dating or courtship. It is also when one partner tries to maintain abusive power and control. Dating violence is defined by the CDC as "the physical, sexual, psychological, or emotional violence within a dating relationship, including stalking".[130]
Widows have been subjected to forced remarriage called widow inheritance, where they are forced to marry a male relative of their late husband.[131] Another practice is the banned remarriage of widows, which is legal in India[132] and Korea.[133] A more extreme version is the ritual killing of widows, as seen in India and Fiji. Sati is the burning of widows, and although sati in India is today an almost defunct practice, isolated incidents have occurred in recent years, such as the 1987 sati of Roop Kanwar, as well as several incidents in rural areas in 2002[134] and 2006.[135] A traditional idea upheld in some places in Africa is that an unmarried widow is unholy and “disturbed” if she is unmarried and abstains from sex for some period of time. This fuels the practice of widow cleansing where the unmarried widow is required to have sexual intercourse as a form of ritual purification, which is commenced with a ceremony for the neighborhood to witness that she is now purified.[136]
Unmarried widows are most likely to be accused and killed as witches.[137][138] Witch trials in the early modern period (between the 15th and 18th centuries) were common in Europe and in the European colonies in North America. Today, there remain regions of the world (such as parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, rural North India, and Papua New Guinea) where belief in witchcraft is held by many people, and women accused of being witches are subjected to serious violence.[139]
Son preference is a custom prevalent in many societies[140] that in its extreme can lead to the rejection of daughters. Sex-selective abortion of females is more common among the higher income population, who can access medical technology. After birth, neglect and diverting resources to male children can lead to some countries having a skewed ratio with more boys than girls,[140] with such practices killing an approximate 230,000 girls under five in India each year.[141] In China, the one child policy increased sex-selective abortions and was largely responsible for an unbalanced sex ratio.The Dying Rooms is a 1995 television documentary film about Chinese state orphanages, which documented how parents abandoned their newborn girls into orphanages, where the staff would leave the children in rooms to die of thirst, or starvation.[142][143]
Another manifestation of son preference is the violence inflicted against mothers who give birth to girls.[144]
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as "all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons".[146]
The WHO states: "The procedure has no health benefits for girls and women" and "Procedures can cause severe bleeding and problems urinating, and later cysts, infections, infertility, and complications in childbirth increase the risk of newborn deaths".[146]
According to a 2016 UNICEF report, the top rates for FGM are in Somalia (with 98 percent of women affected), Guinea (97 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (87 percent), Eritrea (83 percent), Mali (89 percent), Sierra Leone (90 percent), Sudan (87 percent), Gambia (75 percent), Burkina Faso (76 percent), Ethiopia (74 percent), Mauritania (69 percent), Liberia (50 percent), and Guinea-Bissau (45 percent). [147]More than half of the cases documented by Unicef are concentrated in just three countries (Indonesia, Egypt and Ethiopia).[148][147]
FGM is linked to cultural rites and customs, including traditional practices, and religion. It continues to take place in different communities in Africa and the Middle East, including in places where it is banned by national legislation. According to a 2016 UNICEF report, at least 200 million of women and girls in Africa and the Middle East have experienced FGM. [147] Due to globalization and immigration, FGM is spreading beyond the borders of Africa and the Middle East to countries such as Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, New Zealand, the U.S., and UK.[149]
Although FGM is today associated with developing countries, this practice was common until the 1970s in parts of the Western world, too. FGM was considered a standard medical procedure in the United States for most of the 19th and 20th centuries.[150] Physicians performed surgeries of varying invasiveness to treat a number of diagnoses, including hysteria, depression, nymphomania, and frigidity. The medicalization of FGM in the United States allowed these practices to continue until the second part of the 20th century, with some procedures covered by Blue Cross Blue Shield Insurance until 1977.[151][150]
As of 2016, in Africa, FGM has been legally banned in Benin, Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Chad, Côte d'Ivoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, and Zambia.[152] The Istanbul Convention prohibits female genital mutilation (Article 38).[153]
Labia stretching, also referred to as labia elongation or labia pulling, is the act of lengthening the labia minora (the inner lips of the female genitals) through manual manipulation (pulling) or physical equipment (such as weights).[154] It is often done by older women to girls.[155]
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Foot-binding was a practice in China done to reduce the size of feet in girls. It was seen as more desirable and was likely to make a more prestigious marriage.[156]
In some countries, notably Mauritania, young girls are forcibly fattened to prepare them for marriage because obesity is seen as desirable. This practice of force-feeding is known as leblouh or gavage.[157] The practice dates back to the 11th century, and has been reported to have made a significant comeback after a military junta took over the country in 2008.[158]
Sexual "cleansing" is a ceremony where girls have sexual intercourse as a cleansing ritual following their first menstruation[159] and is referred to as kusasa fumbi in some regions of Malawi.[160] Prepubescent girls are often sent to a training camp where women known as anamkungwi, or "key leaders," teach the girls how to cook, clean, and have sexual intercourse in order to be wives.[161] After the training, a man known as a hyena performs the cleansing for 12- to 17-year-old females for three days and the girl is sometimes required to perform a bare-breasted dance, known as chisamba, to signal the end of her initiation in front of the community.[162]
Honor killings are a common form of violence against women in certain parts of the world. Honor killings are perpetrated by family members (usually husbands, fathers, uncles, or brothers) against women in the family who are believed to have caused dishonor to the family. The death of the dishonorable woman is believed to restore honor.[163] These killings are a traditional practice[where?] believed to have originated from tribal customs where an allegation against a woman can be enough to defile a family's reputation.[164][165] Women are killed for reasons such as refusing to enter an arranged marriage, being in a relationship that is disapproved by their relatives, attempting to leave a marriage, having sex outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, and dressing in ways that are deemed inappropriate, among others.[164][166] In cultures where female virginity is highly valued and considered mandatory before marriage, in extreme cases, rape victims are killed in honor killings. Victims may also be forced by their families to marry the rapist in order to restore the family's "honor.".[167] In Lebanon, the Campaign Against Lebanese Rape Law - Article 522 was launched in December 2016 to abolish the article that permitted a rapist to escape prison by marrying his victim. In Italy, before 1981, the Criminal Code provided for mitigating circumstances in case of a killing of a woman or her sexual partner for reasons related to honor, providing for a reduced sentence.[168][169]
Honor killings are common in countries such as Afghanistan, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, and Yemen.[166][170][171][172][173] Honor killings also occur in immigrant communities in Europe, the United States, and Canada. Although honor killings are most often associated with the Middle East and South Asia, they occur in other parts of the world too.[164][174] In India, honor killings occur in the northern regions of the country, especially in the states of Punjab, Haryana, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.[175][176] In Turkey, honor killings are a serious problem in Southeastern Anatolia.[177][178]
Obstetric violence refers to acts categorized as physically or psychologically violent in the context of labor and birth. A pregnant woman can sometimes be coerced into accepting surgical interventions that are done without her consent.[180][181] This could include the "husband's stitch" in which one or more additional sutures than necessary are used to repair a woman's perineum after it has been torn or cut during childbirth with the intent of tightening the opening of the vagina and thereby enhancing the pleasure of her male sex partner during penetrative intercourse. Several Latin American countries have laws to protect against obstetric violence.[182] Reproductive coercion is a collection of behaviors that interfere with decision-making related to reproductive health.[183] According to the WHO, "discrimination in health care settings takes many forms and is often manifested when an individual or group is denied access to health care services that are otherwise available to others. It can also occur through denial of services that are only needed by certain groups, such as women."[184]
Women in some cultures are forced into social isolation during their menstrual periods. In parts of Nepal, for instance, they are forced to live in sheds, are forbidden to touch men or even to enter the courtyard of their own homes, and are barred from consuming milk, yogurt, butter, meat, and various other foods for fear they will contaminate those goods. Women have died during this period because of starvation, bad weather, or bites by snakes.[185] In cultures where women are restricted from being in public places, by law or custom, women who break such restrictions often face violence.[186]
Forced pregnancy is the practice of forcing a woman or girl to become pregnant. A common motivation for this is to help establish a forced marriage, including by means of bride kidnapping. This was also used as part of a program of breeding slaves (see Slave breeding in the United States). In the 20th century, state mandated forced marriage with the aim of increasing the population was practiced by some authoritarian governments, notably during the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, which systematically forced people into marriages ordering them to have children, in order to increase the population and continue the revolution.[187]
The issue of forced continuation of pregnancy (i.e. denying a woman safe and legal abortion) is also seen by some organizations as a violation of women's rights. For example, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women considers the criminalization of abortion a "violations of women's sexual and reproductive health and rights" and a form of "gender based violence".[188]
In addition, in some parts of Latin America, with very strict anti-abortion laws, pregnant women avoid the medical system due to fear of being investigated by the authorities if they have a miscarriage, or a stillbirth, or other problems with the pregnancy. Prosecuting such women is quite common in places such as El Salvador.[189][190][191][192]
Forced sterilization and forced abortion are considered forms of gender-based violence.[193] The Istanbul Convention prohibits forced abortion and forced sterilization (Article 39).[194] According to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, all "women are guaranteed the right to decide freely and responsibly on the number of and spacing of their children, and to have access to information, education, and means to enable them to exercise these rights."[195]
Studies show forced sterilizations often target socially and politically disadvantaged groups such as racial and ethnic minorities, the poor, and indigenous populations.[196] In the United States, much of the history of forced sterilization is connected to the legacy of eugenics and racism in the United States.[196] Many doctors thought that they were doing the country a service by sterilizing women who were poor, disabled, or a minority; the doctors considered those women to be a drain on the system.[196][197] Native American, Mexican American, African American and Puerto Rican-American women were coerced into sterilization programs, with Native Americans and African Americans especially being targeted.[196] Records have shown that Native American girls as young as eleven years-old had hysterectomy operations performed.[198]
In Europe, there have been a number of lawsuits and accusations towards the Czech Republic and Slovakia of sterilizing Roma women without adequate information and waiting period.[199] In response, both nations have instituted a mandatory seven-day waiting period and written consent. Slovakia has been condemned on the issue of forced sterilization of Roma women several times by the European Court for Human Rights (see V. C. vs. Slovakia, N. B. vs. Slovakia and I.G. and Others vs. Slovakia).[200]
In Peru, in 1995, Alberto Fujimori launched a family planning initiative that especially targeted poor and indigenous women. In total, over 215,000 women were sterilized, with over 200,000 believed to have been coerced.[201] In 2002, Health Minister Fernando Carbone admitted that the government gave misleading information, offered food incentives, and threatened to fine parents if they had additional children. The procedures have also been found to have been negligent, with less than half using proper anesthetic.[202]
In China, the one child policy included forced abortions and forced sterilization.[203] Forced sterilization is also practiced in Uzbekistan.[204][205]
In Iran, since 1981, after the Islamic Revolution, all women are required to wear loose-fitting clothing and a headscarf in public.[206][207] In 1983, the Islamic Consultative Assembly decided that women who do not cover their hair in public will be punished with 74 lashes. Since 1995, unveiled women can also be imprisoned for up to 60 days.[208] The Iranian protests against compulsory hijab continued into the September 2022 Iranian protests which was triggered in response to the killing of Mahsa Amini, who was allegedly beaten to death by police due to wearing an "improper hijab". In Saudi Arabia, after the Grand Mosque seizure of 1979, it became mandatory for women to veil in public[209] but this was no longer required since 2018. [210] In Afghanistan, since May 2022, women are required to wear a hijab and face covering in public. [211] In countries without mandatory hijab women can face harassment and victim blaming due to not wearing a hijab.[212]
The hijab has seen bans in places such as Austria,[213] Yugoslavia, [214] Kosovo,[215] Kazakhstan,[216] the Soviet Union,[217] and Tunisia.[218] On 8 January 1936,[219] Reza Shah issued a decree, Kashf-e hijab, banning all veils.[207] To enforce this decree, the police were ordered to physically remove the veil from any woman who wore it in public. Women who refused were beaten, their headscarves and chadors torn off, and their homes forcibly searched.[220]
Women are, in many parts of the world, severely restricted in their freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is an essential right, recognized by international instruments, including Article 15 (4) of CEDAW.[221] Nevertheless, in some countries, women are not legally allowed to leave home without a male guardian (male relative or husband).[222] Saudi Arabia was the only country in the world where women were forbidden to drive motor vehicles until June 2018.[223]
Sex crimes such as adultery and sex outside marriage are disproportionately levelled against women and the punishment is often stoning and flogging. This has been seen in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Pakistan, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and some states in Nigeria.[224] Additionally this can deter victims of sexual violence from reporting the crime, because the victims may themselves be punished (if they cannot prove their case, if they are deemed to have been in the company of an unrelated male, or if they were unmarried and not virgins at the time of the rape).[225][226] Another aspect is the denial of medical care often occurs with regard to reproductive and sexual health. Sometimes women themselves avoid the medical system for fear of being reported to the police or facing family violence due to having premarital sex or being the victims of sexual violence.[227]
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Violence Against Women in Politics (VAWP) is the act or threat of physical, emotional or psychological violence against female politicians on the basis of their gender, most often with the intent of discouraging the victims and other female politicians from participating in the political process. VAWP has been growing in significance among the fields of gendered political science and feminist political theory studies. The main intent behind creating a separate category that is distinct from Violence Against Women, is to highlight the barriers faced by women who work in politics, or wish to pursue a career in the political realm. VAWP is unique from Violence Against Women in three important ways: victims are targeted because of their gender; the violence itself can be gendered (i.e., sexism, sexual violence); the primary goal is to deter women from participating in politics (including but not limited to voting, running for office, campaigning, etc.).[228] It is also important to distinguish VAWP from political violence, which is defined by the use or threats of force to reach political ends, and can be experienced by all politicians.[229]
While women's participation in national parliaments has been increasing, rising from 11% in 1995 to 26.5% in 2023, there is still a large disparity between male and female representation in governmental politics.[230] Expanding women's participation in government is a crucial goal for many countries, as female politicians have proven invaluable with respect to bringing certain issues to the forefront, such as elimination of gender-based violence, parental leave and childcare, pensions, gender-equality laws, electoral reform, and providing fresh perspectives on numerous policy areas that have typically remained a male-dominated realm.[230] In order to increase women's participation in an effective manner, the importance of recognizing the issues related to VAWP and making every effort to provide the necessary resources to victims and condemn any and all hostile behaviour in political institutions cannot be understated. Experiencing VAWP can dissuade women from remaining in politics (and lead to an early exit from their career or from aspiring higher political office. Witnessing women in politics experience VAWP can serve as one of many deterrents for aspirants to run for office and for candidates to continue campaigning.[229]
Acts of violence or harassment are often not deemed to be gendered when they are reported, if they are reported at all. VAWP is often dismissed as "the cost of doing politics" and reporting can be seen as "political suicide", which contributes to the normalization of VAWP.[229] This ambiguity results in a lack of information regarding attacks and makes the issue appear to be relatively commonplace. While it is reported that women in politics are more often targeted by violence than their male counterparts,[231] the specific cause is often not reported as a gendered crime. This makes it more difficult to pinpoint where the links between gender-specific violence and political violence really are. In many countries, the practice of electoral politics is traditionally considered to be a masculine domain.[232]
The history of male dominated politics has allowed some male politicians to believe they have a right to participate in politics while women should not, since women's participation is a threat to the social order. Women in positions of power are thus more likely than their male counterparts to receive threats and experience violence. As one professor of sociology, Marie E. Berry, wrote: "as women are trained and encouraged to vie for these seats, they risk taking power (and resources) that male politicians see as rightfully theirs, opening them up to the risk of violence and other efforts to limit the effectiveness of their campaigns."[233][234]
48% of electoral violence against women is against supporters, this is most likely the largest percentage as it has the largest amount of the public participating. 9% of electoral violence against women is targeting candidates, while 22% targets female voters. This means that women who are directly acting in politics are likely to face some form of violence, whether physical or emotional.[235] Regarding violence against female politicians, younger women and those with intersecting identities, particularly racial and ethnic minorities, are more likely to be targets. Female politicians who outwardly express and act from feminist perspectives are also more likely to be victimized.[229]
Gabrielle Bardell's 2011 report: "Breaking the mold: Understanding Gender and Electoral Violence" was one of the first documents published that showed examples and figures for how women are intimidated and attacked in politics.[235] Since Bardall's report, other scholars have conducted further research on the topic. Notably, Mona Lena Krook's work on VAWP introduced 5 forms of violence and harassment: physical, sexual, psychological, economic, and semiotic/symbolic. Physical violence encompasses inflicting, or attempting to inflict, bodily harm and injury.[229][236] While physical violence is the most easily identified form, it is actually the least common type. [229]Sexual violence involves (attempts at) sexual acts through coercion, including unwanted sexual comments, advances, and harassment.[229][236] Psychological violence includes causing emotional and mental damage through means of death/rape threats, stalking, etc.[229][236] Economic violence involves denying, withholding, and controlling female politicians' access to financial resources, particularly regarding campaigns.[229][236] Semiotic or symbolic violence, the most abstract subtype of VAWP, refers to the erasure of female politicians through degrading images and sexist language.[229][236][237] Krook theorizes that semiotic violence against women in politics works in two related ways: rendering women invisible and rendering women incompetent. By symbolically removing women from the public political sphere, semiotic violence renders women invisible. Examples include using masculine grammar when speaking about and to political women, interrupting female politicians, and not portraying political women in the media. By highlighting the role incongruity between stereotypically feminine attributes (e.g., warm, polite, submissive), and traits typically ascribed to good leaders (e.g., strong, powerful, assertive), semiotic violence emphasizes that women are incompetent to be political actors.[237] This form of semiotic violence can manifest through denying and minimizing women's political qualifications, sexual objectification, and labeling political women as emotional, among other actions.[237]
Sexual violence on college campuses is considered a major problem in the United States. According to the conclusion of a major Campus Sexual Assault (CSA) Study: "The CSA Study data suggest women at universities are at considerable risk for experiencing sexual assault."[238]
Sport-related violence against women is any physical, sexual, mental acts that are "perpetrated by both male athletes and by male fans or consumers of sport and sporting events, as well as by coaches of female athletes".[239] The documenting reports and literature suggest that there are obvious connections between contemporary sport and violence against women. Such events as the 2010 World Cup, the Olympic and Commonwealth Games "have highlighted the connections between sports spectatorship and intimate partner violence, and the need for police, authorities and services to be aware of this when planning sporting events".[239] Sport-related violence occurs in various contexts and places, including homes, pubs, clubs, hotel rooms, the streets.[239]
Violence against women is a topic of concern in the United States' collegiate athletic community. From the 2010 UVA lacrosse murder, in which a male athlete was charged guilty with second degree murder of his girlfriend, to the 2004 University of Colorado Football Scandal when players were charged with nine alleged sexual assaults,[240] studies suggest that athletes are at higher risk for committing sexual assault against women than the average student.[241][242] It is reported that one in three college assaults are committed by athletes.[243] Surveys suggest that male student athletes who represent 3.3% of the college population, commit 19% of reported sexual assaults and 35% of domestic violence.[244] The theories that surround these statistics range from misrepresentation of the student-athlete to an unhealthy mentality towards women within the team itself.[243] Sociologist Timothy Curry, after conducting an observational analysis of two big time sports' locker room conversations, deduced that the high risk of male student athletes for gender abuse is a result of the team's subculture.[245] Curry states, "Their locker room talk generally treated women as objects, encouraged sexist attitudes toward women and, in its extreme, promoted rape culture."[245] He proposes that this objectification is a way for the male to reaffirm his heterosexual status and hyper-masculinity. Claims have been made that the atmosphere changes when an outsider (especially women) intrude in the locker room.[246]
In the wake of the reporter Lisa Olson being harassed by a Patriots player in the locker room in 1990, she said, "We are taught to think we must have done something wrong and it took me a while to realize I hadn't done anything wrong."[246] Other female sports reporters (college and professional) have said that they often brush off the players' comments, which leads to further objectification.[246] Some sociologists challenge this assertion. Steve Chandler says that because of their celebrity status on campus, "athletes are more likely to be scrutinized or falsely accused than non-athletes."[242] Stephanie Mak says that "if one considers the 1998 estimates that about three million women were battered and almost one million raped, the proportion of incidences[spelling?] that involve athletes in comparison to the regular population is relatively small."[243]
In response to the proposed link between college athletes and gender-based violence, and media coverage holding universities as responsible for these scandals more universities are requiring athletes to attend workshops that promote awareness. For example, St. John's University holds sexual assault awareness classes in the fall for its incoming student athletes.[247] Other groups, such as the National Coalition Against Violent Athletes, have formed to provide support for the victims as their mission statement reads, "The NCAVA works to eliminate off the field violence by athletes through the implementation of prevention methods that recognize and promote the positive leadership potential of athletes within their communities. In order to eliminate violence, the NCAVA is dedicated to empowering individuals affected by athlete violence through comprehensive services including advocacy, education and counseling."[248]
A 1995 study of female war veterans found that 90 percent had been sexually harassed. A 2003 survey found that 30 percent of female vets said they were raped in the military and a 2004 study of veterans who were seeking help for post-traumatic stress disorder found that 71 percent of the women said they were sexually assaulted or raped while serving.[249]
In 2021, The New York Times reported that about one in four women in the military had experienced sexual assault.[250] Until the end of 2023, these reports went through the service member's chain-of-command, and many women reported that their reports were dismissed without due process and/or resulted in professional reprisal, ostracism, or other maltreatment.[251] Beginning in December 2023, however, sexual assault reports are handled outside of the chain-of-command, hopefully reducing biases in the process of investigation.[252]
Cyberbullying is a form of intimidation using electronic forms of contact. In the 21st century, cyberbullying has become increasingly common, especially among teenagers in Western countries.[253] Almost 75% of women have encountered harassment and threats of violence online, known as cyber violence, as reported by the United Nations Broadband Commission in 2015.[254] Misogynistic rhetoric is prevalent online, and the public debate over gender-based attacks has increased significantly, leading to calls for policy interventions and better responses by social networks like Facebook and Twitter.[255][256] Some specialists have argued that gendered online attacks should be given particular attention within the wider category of hate speech.[257] Abusers quickly identified opportunities online to humiliate their victims, destroy their careers, reputations and relationships, and even drive them to suicide or "trigger so-called 'honor' violence in societies where sex outside of marriage is seen as bringing shame on a family".[258]According to a poll conducted by Amnesty International in 2018 across 8 countries, 23% of women have experienced online abuse of harassment. These are often sexist or misogynistic in nature and include direct of indirect threats of physical or sexual violence, abuse targeting aspects of their personality and privacy violations.[259]According to Human Rights Watch, 90% of those who experienced sexual violence online in 2019 were women and girls.[258]
According to UNESCO,[260] women journalists in prominent and visible positions tend to attract more virulent abuse. In their survey of 901 journalists, nearly three quarters (73%) said they had experienced online violence.[261] In another survey by The Guardian that looked at comments received on articles, women writers were 4 times more likely to be abused compared to their male counterparts.[262] This is a trend that is persistent across geography - in the Netherlands, 82% of the 300 female journalists surveyed in 2022 said they encountered abuse online.[263]
Generative AI can lead to an increase in the number of attackers, the creation of sustained and automated attacks and the generation of content such as posts, texts, and emails that are written convincingly from multiple ‘voices’. This makes existing harms such as hate speech, cyber harassment, misinformation, and impersonation - all of which rank in the top five most common vectors of technology-facilitated gender-based violence - have a much wider reach and be more dangerous.[260]
According to an article published in the Health and Human Rights journal,[264] regardless of many years of advocacy and involvement of many feminist activist organizations, the issue of violence against women still "remains one of the most pervasive forms of human rights violations worldwide".[264]: 91 The violence against women can occur in both public and private spheres of life and at any time of their life span. Violence against women often keeps women from wholly contributing to social, economic, and political development of their communities.[264][265] Many women are terrified by these threats of violence and this essentially influences their lives so that they are impeded to exercise their human rights; for instance, they fear contributing to the development of their communities socially, economically, and politically.[265] Apart from that, the causes that trigger VAW or gender-based violence can go beyond just the issue of gender and into the issues of age, class, culture, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and specific geographical area of their origins.[citation needed]
Most often, violence against women has been framed as a health issue, and also as a violation of human rights. The research seems to provide convincing evidence that violence against women is a severe and pervasive problem the world over, with devastating effects on the health and well-being of women and children.[266] Importantly, other than the issue of social divisions, gendered violence can also extend into the realm of health issues and become a direct concern of the public health sector.[267] A health issue such as HIV/AIDS is another cause that also leads to violence. Women who have HIV/AIDS infection are also among the targets of the violence.[264]: 91 The World Health Organization (WHO) reports that violence against women puts an undue burden on health care services, as women who have suffered violence are more likely to need health services and at higher cost, compared to women who have not suffered violence.[109] The Council of Europe describes violence against women in private sphere, at home or domestic violence, as the main reason of "death and disability" among the women who encountered violence.[264]: 91
In addition, several studies have shown a link between poor treatment of women and international violence. These studies show that one of the best predictors of inter- and intranational violence is the maltreatment of women in the society.[268][269]
Violence against women can be connected with victim blaming.[212]
According to the UN, "there is no region of the world, no country and no culture in which women's freedom from violence has been secured."[266] Several forms of violence are more prevalent in certain parts of the world, often in developing countries. For example, dowry violence and bride burning is associated with India, Bangladesh, and Nepal. Acid throwing is also associated with these countries, as well as in Southeast Asia, including Cambodia. Honor killing is associated with the Middle East and South Asia. Female genital mutilation is found mostly in Africa, and to a lesser extent in the Middle East and some other parts of Asia. Marriage by abduction is found in Ethiopia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. Abuse related to payment of bride price (such as violence, trafficking, and forced marriage) is linked to parts of Sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania (also see Lobolo).[270][271]
A study in 2002 estimated that at least one in five women in the world had been physically or sexually abused by a man sometime in their lives, and "gender-based violence accounts for as much death and ill-health in women aged 15–44 years as cancer, and is a greater cause of ill-health than malaria and traffic accidents combined."[272]
A 2007 survey by the National Institute of Justice found that 19.0% of college women and 6.1% of college men experienced either sexual assault or attempted sexual assault since entering college.[273] In the University of Pennsylvania Law Review in 2017, D. Tuerkheimer reviewed the literature on rape allegations, and reported on the problems surrounding the credibility of rape victims, and how that relates to false rape accusations. She pointed to national survey data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that indicates 1 in every 5 women (and 1 in 71 men) will be raped during their lifetime at some point. Despite the prevalence of rape and the fact that false rape allegations are rare, Tuerkheimer reported that law enforcement officers often default to disbelief about an alleged rape. This documented prejudice leads to reduced investigation and criminal justice outcomes that are faulty compared to other crimes. Tuerkheimer says that women face "credibility discounts" at all stages of the justice system, including from police, jurors, judges, and prosecutors. These credibility discounts are especially pronounced when the victim is acquainted with the accuser, and the vast majority of rapes fall into this category.[274] The U.S. Department of Justice estimated from 2005 to 2007 that about 2% of victims who were raped while incapacitated (from drugs, alcohol, or other reasons) reported the rape to the police, compared to 13% of victims who experienced physically forced sexual assault.[273]
Many kinds of violence against women (specifically rape, sexual assault, and domestic violence) are under-reported, often due to societal norms, taboos, stigma, and the sensitive nature of the subject.[275][276] It is widely recognized that even today, a lack of reliable and continuous data is an obstacle to forming a clear picture of violence against women.[266]
Acts of violence against women are often not unique episodes, but are ongoing over time. More often than not, the violence is perpetrated by someone the woman knows, not by a stranger.[276]
Indigenous women are often targets of physical violence, including sexual assault. Many indigenous communities are rural, with few resources and little help from the government or non-state actors. They often have strained relationships with law enforcement, making prosecution difficult. Many indigenous societies find themselves at the center of land disputes between nations and ethnic groups, resulting in these communities sometimes bearing the brunt of national and ethnic conflicts.[277]
Violence is often perpetrated by the state, such as in Peru, in the 1990s. President Alberto Fujimori has been accused of genocide and crimes against humanity as a result of a forced sterilization program.[278] Fujimori put in place a program against indigenous people (mainly the Quechuas and the Aymaras), in the name of a "public health plan", in 1995.[citation needed]
Many countries have higher rates of violence against indigenous women] than non‐indigenous women. This includes Bolivia,[279] which has the highest rate of domestic violence in Latin America;[280][281] and Canada,[282] which violence against women falling, except for aboriginal populations.[283] Guatemalan indigenous women have faced extensive violence. Throughout three decades of conflict, Maya women and girls have continued to be targeted.[citation needed] The Commission for Historical Clarification found 88% of women affected by state-sponsored rape and sexual violence were indigenous.[citation needed]
The concept of white dominion over indigenous women's bodies has been rooted in American history since the beginning of colonization. The theory of Manifest destiny went beyond simple land extension and into the belief that European settlers had the right to exploit Native women's bodies as a method of taming and "humanizing" them.[283][284] In the US, Native American women are more than twice as likely to experience violence than any other demographic.[283] One in three Native women is sexually assaulted, and 67% of these assaults are perpetrated by non-Natives,[285][283][286] with Native Americans constituting 0.7% of U.S. population in 2015.[287] The disproportionate rate of assault is due to a variety of causes, including the historical legal inability of tribes to prosecute on their own on the reservation. The federal Violence Against Women Act was reauthorized in 2013, which for the first time gave tribes jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute felony domestic violence offenses involving Native American and non-Native offenders on the reservation,[288] as 26% of Natives live on reservations.[289][290] In 2019 the Democrat House passed the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019, which increased tribes' prosecution rights further. However, in the Republican Senate its progress stalled.[291]
Immigrant and refugee women often face violence, both in the private sphere (by partners and other family members) and in the public sphere (by the police and other authorities). These women are often in a vulnerable position: they do not speak the language of the country they are in, they do not know its laws, and sometimes they are in a legal position where they may be deported if they make contact with the authorities. Women who seek protection from armed conflict in their countries of origin often face more violence while travelling to the destination country or when they arrive there.[292][293] Women refugees face violence from both the journey facilitator and the detention center guards. Journey facilitator rapes in exchange for money for their passage where as male guards sexually violates in exchange for faster refugee case process. These women have already been through a lot in their country because of wars and political instability and now while in search of freedom they face all kind of gender based Violences.[294]
Transgender women, especially transgender women of color, are at higher risk of experiencing violence than cisgender women.[295] Trans women commonly experience intimate partner violence, with one study finding that 31.1% of trans people experience it, and another finding that half of all trans women experience it.[296][297][298] Trans women also often face abuse by police, and transgender sex workers often face violence from clients.[299] Trans women who are survivors of violence can have a harder time finding domestic violence shelters, as some shelters do not accept them.[296][300] In 2018, more than two dozen transgender people were violently killed in the United States, most of them women of color.[301][302]
Activism refers to "a doctrine or practice that emphasizes direct vigorous action especially in support of or opposition to one side of a controversial issue".[303] In the activism for violence against women, the objectives are to address and draw public attention on the issues of VAW as well as seek and recommend measures to prevent and eliminate this violence.[304] Many scholarly articles suggest that the VAW is considered as a violation of human rights[305][306][307] as well as "public health issue".[308]
The emergence of the first women's movements, or so called the first wave of feminism, dated back in the years the late 19th Century and early 20th Century in the United States and Europe. During this period, feminist movements developed from the context of industrialization and liberal politics that triggered the rise of feminist groups concerned with gaining equal access and opportunity for women.[309]: 1 This wave marks a period of "suffrage, independence, rights to nationality, work and equal pay" for women.[310]
The third wave of feminism is the newest wave of feminism led by young feminists whose understanding and context are of the globalized world order and the technological advances that have come with it. Also, this wave is a transition of the fall communism[309]: 17 to more complex issues of new kinds of 'warfare'[clarification needed], threats and violence. This new wave also "embraces ambiguity"[309]: 16 and introduced a feminist approach of 'intersectionality' that includes the issues of race, gender, age, and class.[309]: 17 Other than that, the third wave marks a period of feminism dealing with identity politics, body politics as well as the issues of violence.[311]
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Nonetheless, the VAW movement was initiated in the 1970s where some feminist movements started to bring the discussion on the issue of violence into the feminist discourse[312] and that many other groups, on the national as well as international levels, had attempted to push for the betterment of women through lobbying of the state officials and delegates, demanding the conferences on 'gender issues'.[310]
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On the local or national level, the VAW movements are diverse and differ in their strategic program of intervention. The strategies used in a number of the movements focus on the individual level with the emphases on individuals, relationships and family. Also, many of them take the 'preventive' as an approach to tackle the issues on the ground by encouraging people to "reexamine their attitudes and beliefs" in order to trigger and create fundamental changes in these "deep-rooted beliefs and behaviors".[308] Despite the fact that these strategies can be life changing,[clarification needed] helpful to those who participate and feasible over a long time frame, the effects on societal level seem to be restricted and of minimal effects. In order to achieve the objectives of the movement, many activists and scholars argue that they have to initiate changes in cultural attitudes and norms on a communal level.[313]
On the transnational or regional level, the anti-violence movements also deploy different strategies based on the specificities of their cultures and beliefs in their particular regions. On this level, the activist movements are known as "transnational feminist networks" or TFNs.[305]: 556 The TFNs have a significant effect, like the autonomous movements on the national level, in shaping sets of policies as well pushing for the recognition and inclusion of language of VAW in the United Nations human rights mechanisms: the international human rights agreements.[305] Their activities are ranging from lobbying the policy makers; organizing demonstrations on the local and regional levels; to creating institutional pressure that could push for changes in the international institutional measures.[305]
On an international level, the movements that advocate for women's rights and against VAW are the mixture of (civil society) actors from domestic and regional levels. The objectives of these VAW movements focus on "creating shared expectations" within the domestic and regional levels as well as "mobilizing numbers of domestic civil society" to create "standards in global civil society".[305]: 556 The global women's movement works to transform numbers of international conventions and conferences to "a conference on women's rights" by pushing for a "stronger language and clearer recognition" of the VAW issues. In addition, the United Nations also plays a vital role in promoting and campaigning for the VAW movements on the international level.[314]
The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5 is also a global initiative with a target to eliminate all forms of violence against women.[315]In recent years, there has been a trend of approaching VAW at an international level through means such as conventions or, in the European Union, through directives (such as the directive against sexual harassment, and the directive against human trafficking).[316][317]
Second-order sexual harassment (SOSH) is the harassment suffered by those who stand with and support victims of violence against women (VAW).[318] In 2013 the UN General Assembly passed its first resolution calling for the protection of defenders of women's human rights.[319] The resolution urges states to put in place gender-specific laws and policies for the protection of women's human rights defenders and to ensure that defenders themselves are involved in the design and implementation of these measures, and calls on states to protect women's human rights defenders from reprisals for cooperating with the UN and to ensure their unhindered access to and communication with international human rights bodies and mechanisms.[320]
As violence is often committed by a family member, women first started by lobbying their governments to set up shelters for domestic violence survivors. The Julia Burgos Protected House established in Puerto Rico in 1979 was the first shelter in Latin America and the Caribbean for "battered women".[citation needed] In 2003, 18 out of the 20 countries in the region had legislation on domestic or family violence, and 11 countries addressed sexual violence in their laws. Legislative measures to protect victims can include restraining orders, which can be found in Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Venezuela, Turkey, the United States and many western European countries for instance.[citation needed]
Courts can also be allowed by law (Germany, 2001) to order the perpetrator to leave the home so that victims do not have to seek shelter. Countries were urged to repeal discriminatory legislation by 2005 following the review of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2000. Egypt, for instance, abolished a law that exempted men from rape charges when marrying their victims. However, the goal of antiviolence legislation is often to keep the families together, regardless of the best interests of women, which perpetuate domestic violence.[264]
There can be a de jure or de facto acceptance of violent behaviors and lack of remedies for victims.[264]
Invoking culture to explain particular forms of violence against women risks appearing to legitimize them. There is also debate and controversy about the ways in which cultural traditions, local customs and social expectations, as well as various interpretations of religion, interact with abusive practices.[266][323] Specifically, cultural justifications for certain violent acts against women are asserted by some states and social groups within many countries claiming to defend their traditions. These justifications are questionable precisely because the defenses are generally voiced by political leaders or traditional authorities, not by those actually affected.[266]
Measures to address violence against women range from access to legal-aid to the provision of shelters and hotlines for victims. Despite advances in legislation and policies, the lack of implementation of the measures put in place prevents significant progress in eradicating violence against women globally. This failure to apply existing laws and procedures is often due to the persisting issue of gender stereotyping.[324]
Women who report acts of violence most often come into contact first with police workers. Therefore, police attitudes are crucial in facilitating a sense of safety and comfort for women who have been victimized.[325][326] When police officers misuse their power as agents of the state to physically and sexually harass and assault victims, the survivors, including women, feel much less able to report the violence.[327] Human rights violations perpetrated by police and military personnel in many countries are correlated with decreased access to public health services and increased practices of risky behavior among members of vulnerable groups, such as women and female sex workers.[328] These practices are especially widespread in settings with a weak rule of law and low levels of police and military management and professionalism. Police abuse in this context has been linked to a wide range of risky behaviors and health outcomes, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and substance abuse.[328][329] Extortion of sexual services and police sexual abuse have been linked to a decrease in condom use and an elevated risk of STI and HIV infections among vulnerable groups.[328][330]
Some countries, such as Brazil and Jordan, have enacted women's police station, which are police stations that specialize in certain crimes, such as sexual violence, harassment, domestic violence committed against women.[citation needed]
It is standard procedure for police to force entry into the victim's home even after the victim's numerous requests for them to go away.[331] Government agencies often disregard the victim's right to freedom of association with their perpetrator.[332]
Efforts to fight violence against women can take many forms and access to justice, or lack thereof, for such violence varies greatly depending on the justice system. International and regional instruments are increasingly used as the basis for national legislation and policies to eradicate violence against women. Experts in the international community generally believe that solely enacting punitive legislation for prevention and punishment of violence against women is not sufficient to address the problem. For example, although much stricter laws on violence against women have been passed in Bangladesh, violence against women is still rising.[272] And violence against women has risen dramatically around the world since the late 2010s despite similar measures being taken in many regions as well as increased awareness and discussion of the subject.[333][334][335] Instead, it is thought that wide societal changes to address gender inequalities and women's empowerment will be the way to reduce violence against women.[266][272][336][109]
In Africa, there emerged a series of regional meetings and agreements, which was triggered by the UN processes on the international level such as Third World Conference on Women in Nairobi, 1985; the 1993 Kampala Prep Com; the 1994 Africa-wide UN women's conference[337] that led to the identification of VAW as a critical issue in the Southern African Women's Charter.[305]: 557
In the Americas, the Inter-American Convention on Violence Against Women, which was formally announced and adopted by the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1994, immediately after the Vienna Conference[305]: 557 The Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Eradicate and Punish Violence Against Women – also known as the Belém do Parà Convention, for instance, has been applied by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in its first case of domestic violence to condemn Brazil in the Maria da Penha case. This led the Brazilian government to enact in 2006 the Maria da Penha Law, the country's first law against domestic violence against women.[338]
In Asia, there is the South Asian Agreement on Regional Cooperation's (SAARC) Protocol to End Trafficking in Women and Children.[264]
In Europe, the European Union (EU)'s initiatives to combat violence against women after the 1990s: the 1997 resolution calling for a zero tolerance: specifically on UN human rights instruments of CEDAW and the Vienna Declaration. The Council of Europe also developed "a series of initiatives" related to the issue of VAW: "the 2000 resolution on trafficking, the 2003 resolution on domestic violence, and the 2004 resolution on honor crimes" as well as promoted "the 2002 recommendation on the protection of women against violence and established its monitoring framework".[305]: 557 The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, is the first legally binding instrument in Europe in the field of domestic violence and violence against women,[339] and came into force in 2014.[340]Countries which ratify it must ensure that the forms of violence defined in its text are outlawed. In its Preamble, the Convention states that "the realisation of de jure and de facto equality between women and men is a key element in the prevention of violence against women". The convention also provides a definition of domestic violence as "all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim".[341] Although it is a Convention of the Council of Europe, it is open to accession by any country.[342]
This article incorporates text from a free content work. Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO. Text taken from Technology-facilitated gender-based violence in an era of generative AI, Chowdhury, Rumman, UNESCO.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Finland is repeatedly reminded of its widespread problem of violence against women and recommended to take more efficient measures to deal with the situation. International criticism concentrates on the lack of measures to combat violence against women in general and in particular on the lack of a national action plan to combat such violence and on the lack of legislation on domestic violence. (...) Compared to Sweden, Finland has been slower to reform legislation on violence against women. In Sweden, domestic violence was already illegal in 1864, while in Finland such violence was not outlawed until 1970, over a hundred years later. In Sweden the punishment of victims of incest was abolished in 1937, but not until 1971 in Finland. Rape within marriage was criminalised in Sweden in 1962, but the equivalent Finnish legislation only came into force in 1994 – making Finland one of the last European countries to criminalise marital rape. In addition, assaults taking place on private property did not become impeachable offences in Finland until 1995. Only in 1997 did victims of sexual offences and domestic violence in Finland become entitled to government-funded counselling and support services for the duration of their court cases.
Girls as young as 5 and as old as 19 had to drink up to five gallons of fat-rich camel's or cow's milk daily, aiming for silvery stretch marks on their upper arms. If a girl refused or vomited, the village weight-gain specialist might squeeze her foot between sticks, pull her ear, pinch her inner thigh, bend her finger backward or force her to drink her own vomit. In extreme cases, girls die, due to a burst stomach. The practice was known as gavage, a French term for force-feeding geese to obtain foie gras.
Before 1981, Art. 587 read: He who causes the death of a spouse, daughter, or sister upon discovering her in illegitimate carnal relations and in the heat of passion caused by the offence to his honour or that of his family will be sentenced to three to seven years. The same sentence shall apply to whom, in the above circumstances, causes the death of the person involved in illegitimate carnal relations with his spouse, daughter, or sister.
Violations of women's sexual and reproductive health and rights, such as forced sterilizations, forced abortion, forced pregnancy, criminalisation of abortion, denial or delay of safe abortion and post abortion care, forced continuation of pregnancy, abuse and mistreatment of women and girls seeking sexual and reproductive health information, goods and services, are forms of gender based violence that, depending on the circumstances, may amount to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)A previously reported statistic that, "Among [American Indian and Alaska Native] victims of rape or sexual assault, 86 percent described the offender as non‐Indian" is accurate according to Perry's analysis (2004) in American Indians and Crime: A BJS Statistical Profile, 1992-2002. However, Perry's analysis includes reports by both Native men and women victims of rape or sexual assault. Given this brief's focus on violence against Native women, we include the updated rate of 67 percent reported by Native women victims of rape or sexual assault indicated in Bachman, et al., (2008).
Transgender women are at a notably higher risk of violence than their cisgender counterparts...especially transgender women of color
