stringtranslate.com

Религия в Китае

Религия в Китае (исследования 2023 г.) [1]

  Буддизм (33,4%)
  Даосизм (19,6%)
  Другие народные верования (17,7%)
  Ислам (1,6%)

Религия в Китае ( CFPS 2016) [2] [3] [примечание 1]

  Буддизм (15,87%)
  Даосизм , народные секты и другие религиозные организации, [примечание 2] (7,6%)
  Ислам [примечание 3] (0,45%)
«Трое смеющихся над ручьем Тигра» картина эпохи династии Сун (XII век), изображающая трех мужчин, представляющих конфуцианство, даосизм и буддизм, которые смеются вместе.
Алтарь пяти чиновников, которым поклоняются в Храме Пяти Лордов в Хайкоу , Хайнань.
Будда Весеннего Храма — это статуя высотой 153 метра (502 фута), изображающая Будду Вайрочану, расположенная в уезде Лушань, провинция Хэнань.
Святилище, посвященное поклонению Махешваре ( Шиве ) на горе Путо в Чжоушане , провинция Чжэцзян

Религия в Китае разнообразна, и большинство китайцев либо не религиозны, либо исповедуют сочетание буддизма и даосизма с конфуцианским мировоззрением, что в совокупности называется китайской народной религией . [1]

Китайская Народная Республика официально является атеистическим государством , [4] но правительство официально признает пять религий: буддизм , даосизм , христианство ( католицизм и протестантизм признаются отдельно) и ислам . [5] Все религиозные учреждения в стране обязаны поддерживать руководство Коммунистической партии Китая , воплощать в жизнь идеи Си Цзиньпина и содействовать китаизации религии. [6]

Обзор

Китайская цивилизация исторически долгое время была колыбелью и местом обитания множества самых устойчивых религиозно-философских традиций мира. Конфуцианство и даосизм , к которым позже присоединился буддизм , составляют « три учения », которые сформировали китайскую культуру. Нет четких границ между этими переплетенными религиозными системами, которые не претендуют на исключительность, и элементы каждой из них обогащают популярную народную религию. Императоры Китая претендовали на Мандат Неба и участвовали в китайских религиозных обрядах. В начале 20-го века реформаторски настроенные чиновники и интеллектуалы нападали на религию в целом как на суеверие. С 1949 года Коммунистическая партия Китая (КПК), официально атеистическая , находится у власти в стране и запрещает членам КПК заниматься религиозной практикой во время пребывания в должности. [7] Серия антирелигиозных кампаний , начавшаяся в конце 19 века, достигла кульминации в Культурной революции (1966–1976) против Четырех Старых : старых привычек, старых идей, старых обычаев и старой культуры. Культурная революция уничтожила или заставила уйти в подполье многие обряды и религиозные организации. [8] [9] : 138  После смерти Мао последующие лидеры позволили китайским религиозным организациям иметь больше автономии.

Китайская народная религия , самая распространенная в стране система верований и практик, развивалась и адаптировалась по крайней мере со второго тысячелетия до н. э., во времена династий Шан и Чжоу . Основные элементы китайской теологии и космологии восходят к этому периоду и стали более сложными в течение осевого века . В целом, китайская народная религия подразумевает преданность шэнь ( «духам»), которые охватывают множество богов и бессмертных . Это могут быть естественные божества, принадлежащие окружающей среде, или древние прародители человеческих групп, концепции вежливости или культурные герои, многие из которых фигурируют в китайской истории и мифологии . [10] Во время позднего Чжоу философия и ритуальные учения Конфуция начали распространяться по всему Китаю, в то время как даосские институты развивались династией Хань . Во время династии Тан буддизм стал широко популярен в Китае, [11] и конфуцианские мыслители ответили на это разработкой неоконфуцианской философии. Китайские религии спасения и местные культы процветали.

Христианство и ислам появились в Китае в VII веке. Христианство не укоренилось, пока не было вновь введено в XVI веке иезуитскими миссионерами . [12] В начале XX века христианские общины выросли. Однако после 1949 года иностранные миссионеры были изгнаны, а церкви переданы под контроль правительства. После конца 1970-х годов религиозные свободы для христиан улучшились, и появились новые китайские группы. [13] : 508, 532  Ислам практикуется в китайском обществе уже 1400 лет. [14] Мусульмане составляют меньшинство в Китае; по последним оценкам, они составляют от 0,45% до 1,8% от общей численности населения. [2] [15] Хотя народ хуэй является самой многочисленной подгруппой, [16] наибольшая концентрация мусульман находится в Синьцзяне , где проживает значительное количество уйгуров . Китай также часто считают родиной гуманизма и секуляризма, поскольку эти идеологии начали распространяться в этом регионе во времена Конфуция.

Поскольку многие китайцы-ханьцы не считают свои духовные верования и практики «религией» как таковой и не считают, что должны практиковать какую-либо из них, исключая другие, трудно собрать четкую и надежную статистику. По словам одного ученого, «подавляющее большинство населения Китая» участвует в религии — ритуалах и праздниках лунного календаря — не будучи причастным к какому-либо религиозному учреждению. [17] Национальные опросы, проведенные в начале 21-го века, подсчитали, что, по оценкам, 80% населения Китая практикуют какую-либо форму народной религии, что в общей сложности составляет более 1 миллиарда человек. 13–16% населения являются буддистами, 10% — даосами; 2,53% — христианами и 0,83% — мусульманами. Народные движения за спасение охватывают от 2 до 13% населения. Многие представители интеллектуального класса придерживаются конфуцианства как религиозной идентичности. Некоторые этнические меньшинства в Китае исповедуют определенные религии, включая тибетский буддизм и ислам среди хуэй и уйгуров.

По мнению американского синолога и историка Джона Кинга Фэрбэнка , экология Китая могла повлиять на религиозный ландшафт страны. Фэрбэнк предполагает, что проблемы, вызванные климатом пойм рек страны, способствовали неуверенности среди людей, что могло способствовать их склонности к относительно безличным религиозным убеждениям, таким как буддизм, в отличие от антропоцентрической природы христианства. [18]

История

Доимперский

Нефритовый дракон культуры Хуншань. Дракон, связанный с созвездием Дракона , обвивающимся вокруг северного полюса эклиптики , представляет собой «протеанскую» изначальную силу, которая воплощает инь и ян в единстве. [19]
Квадратный dǐng (ритуальный котел) с мотивом tāotiè 饕餮. По словам Дидье, и котлы, и симметричные лица taotie берут свое начало в символах Di как квадратного северного небесного полюса с четырьмя лицами. [20]
Тибетская таблица кровопускания , основанная на квадрате Лошу . Лошу , Хэту , доски любо , солнечные часы , доски ханьского прорицателя ( shì ) и лопань для фэншуй , а также производный компас , а также зеркала TLV — все это представления Ди как северного небесного полюса. [21]

До распространения мировых религий в Восточной Азии местные племена разделяли анимистические , шаманские и тотемические мировоззрения. Шаманы были посредниками в молитвах, жертвоприношениях и подношениях непосредственно духовному миру; это наследие сохранилось в различных современных формах религии по всему Китаю. [22] Эти черты особенно связаны с такими культурами, как культура Хуншань . [23]

Фламандский философ Ульрих Либбрехт прослеживает истоки некоторых черт даосизма в том, что Ян Якоб Мария де Гроот называл «вуизмом», [24] то есть китайским шаманизмом. [25] Либбрехт различает два слоя в развитии китайской теологии , происходящие соответственно от династий Шан (1600–1046 гг. до н. э.) и Чжоу (1046–256 гг. до н. э.). Государственная религия Шан была основана на поклонении предкам и богам-царям, которые выживали как невидимые силы после смерти. Они не были трансцендентными сущностями, поскольку вселенная была «сама по себе такой», не создана силой извне, а порождена внутренними ритмами и космическими силами. Поздняя династия Чжоу была более аграрной в своем мировоззрении; вместо этого они подчеркивали универсальную концепцию Неба, называемого Тянь . [25] Идентификация Шан Шанди как своего бога-предка утверждала их притязания на власть по божественному праву; Чжоу превратили это требование в легитимность, основанную на моральной силе, Мандат Неба . Цари Чжоу заявили, что их победа над Шан была достигнута потому, что они были добродетельными и любили свой народ, в то время как Шан были тиранами и, таким образом, были лишены власти Тянем . [ 26]

К VI веку до нашей эры божественное право уже не было исключительной привилегией королевского дома Чжоу. Риторическая сила Тянь стала «рассеянной» и требовалась различными властителями в государствах Чжоу для легитимации политических амбиций, но могла быть куплена любым, кто мог позволить себе сложные церемонии и старые и новые обряды, необходимые для доступа к власти Тянь . Население больше не воспринимало официальную традицию как эффективный способ общения с Небесами. Традиции «Девяти полей» и Ицзин процветали. [27] Затем китайские мыслители разошлись в «Сто школ мысли», каждая из которых предлагала свои собственные теории для реконструкции морального порядка Чжоу. Конфуций появился в этот период упадка и сомнений. Он получил образование в теологии Шан-Чжоу, и его новая формулировка придала центральное значение самосовершенствованию, человеческому фактору [26] и образовательной силе самоутвердившегося человека в помощи другим в самоутверждении. [28] С падением Чжоу традиционные ценности были заброшены. Разочарованный широко распространенной вульгаризацией ритуалов для доступа к Тянь , Конфуций начал проповедовать этическую интерпретацию традиционной религии Чжоу. По его мнению, сила Тянь имманентна и положительно реагирует на искреннее сердце, движимое качествами гуманности, справедливости, порядочности и альтруизма, которые Конфуций считал основой, необходимой для восстановления социально-политической гармонии. Он также считал, что предварительное состояние медитации необходимо для участия в ритуальных действиях. [29] Конфуций исправил и перекодировал классику, унаследованную от доимперской эпохи, и составил Весенние и Осенние летописи . [30]

Цинь и Хань

Недолгая династия Цинь выбрала легизм в качестве государственной идеологии, запретив и преследуя все другие школы мысли. Конфуцианство было жестоко подавлено, сожжением конфуцианских классиков и убийством ученых, которые поддерживали конфуцианское дело . [31] [32] Государственный ритуал Цинь был похож на ритуал следующей династии Хань. [33] Цинь Шихуанди лично проводил жертвоприношения Ди на горе Тай , месте, посвященном поклонению верховному Богу еще до Ся , и в пригородах столицы Сяньян . [34] [35] Императоры Цинь также сосредоточили культы пяти форм Бога , ранее проводившиеся в разных местах, в единых храмовых комплексах. [36] Универсальная религия Хань была сосредоточена на идее воплощения Бога в качестве Желтого императора, центральной фигуры Уфан Шанди . Идея воплощения Бога не была новой, так как Шан также считали себя божественными. Помимо этих событий, последняя династия Хань характеризовалась новыми религиозными явлениями: возникновением даосизма за пределами государственной ортодоксальности, ростом местных милленаристских религиозных движений и введением буддизма. В династии Хань мифический Желтый император понимался как зачатый девственницей Фубао, которая была оплодотворена сиянием Тайи .

Император У из династии Хань сформулировал доктрину взаимодействия между небом и человечеством [ 37] и выдающихся фанши , в то время как за пределами государственной религии Желтый Бог был в центре религиозных движений Хуан-Лао, которые повлияли на примитивный даосизм. [38] До конфуцианского поворота императора У и после него ранняя и поздняя династия Хань имела Хуан-Лао в качестве государственной доктрины при различных императорах, где Лао-цзы был идентифицирован как Желтый Император и получал императорские жертвоприношения. [39] Восточная Хань боролась как с внутренней нестабильностью, так и с угрозой со стороны некитайских народов с внешних границ империи. В таких суровых условиях, в то время как императорский культ продолжал жертвоприношения космологическим богам, простые люди, отчужденные от рационализма государственной религии, находили утешение в просвещенных мастерах и в возрождении и увековечении более или менее заброшенных культов национальных, региональных и местных божеств, которые лучше представляли коренные идентичности. Государственная религия Хань была «этнизированна» путем связывания космологических божеств с региональным населением. [40] К концу Восточной Хань самые ранние записи о массовом религиозном движении свидетельствуют о волнении, вызванном верой в неизбежное пришествие Королевы- матери Запада в северо-восточных провинциях. С точки зрения элиты, движение было связано с серией аномальных космических явлений, рассматриваемых как характерные для избытка инь . [41]

Между 184 и 205 годами нашей эры Путь Высшего Мира на Центральных Равнинах организовал Восстание Желтых Повязок против Хань. [42] Позже даосские религиозные движения процветали в ханьском государстве Шу . Известно, что шаман по имени Чжан Сю возглавил группу последователей из Шу в восстании 184 года. В 191 году он вновь появился в качестве военного чиновника в провинции вместе с, по-видимому, не связанным с ним Чжан Лу. Во время военной миссии в Ханьнине Сю погиб в бою. Между 143 и 198 годами, начиная с деда Чжан Даолина и заканчивая Чжан Лу, родословная Чжан основала раннюю церковь Небесных Мастеров . Чжан умер в 216 или 217 году, а между 215 и 219 годами люди Ханьчжуна постепенно расселялись на север, распространяя даосизм Небесных Мастеров в других частях империи. [43]

Троецарствие через Тан

Буддизм был введен во время последней династии Хань и впервые упомянут в 65 г. н. э., попав в Китай по Шелковому пути , переданный буддийским населением, населявшим Западные регионы , а затем индоевропейцами (преимущественно тохарами и саками ). Он начал расти, чтобы стать значительным влиянием в самом Китае только после падения династии Хань, в период политического разделения. [37] Когда буддизм стал устоявшейся религией, он начал конкурировать с китайской коренной религией и даосскими движениями, осуждаемыми в буддийской полемике. [44] После первого этапа Троецарствия ( 220–280) Китай был частично объединен под властью Цзинь . Падение Лояна под натиском сюнну в 311 году привело к миграции королевского двора и священнослужителей Небесных Мастеров на юг. Цзяннань стал центром «южной традиции» даосизма Небесных Мастеров, которая разработала технику медитации, известную как «охрана Единого» — визуализация единого Бога в человеческом организме. [45] : 3.2  Представители Цзяннаня отреагировали на распространение даосизма Небесных Мастеров, переформулировав свои собственные традиции, что привело к даосизму Шанцина , основанному на откровениях, которые произошли между 364 и 370 годами в современном Нанкине , и даосизму Линбао , основанному на откровениях между 397 и 402 годами и перекодифицированному Лу Сюцзином. Линбао включил из буддизма идеи «всеобщего спасения» и ранжированные «небеса», и сосредоточился на общинных ритуалах. [45] : 3.3 

В династии Тан концепция Тянь стала более распространенной за счет Ди , продолжая тенденцию, которая началась в династии Хань. Оба также расширили свои значения, причем ди теперь чаще использовалось как суффикс имени божества, а не для обозначения верховной власти. Тянь , кроме того, стало больше ассоциироваться со своим значением «Небеса» как рай. Распространение иностранных религий в Тан, особенно буддийских сект, повлекло за собой то, что каждая из них задумала свой собственный идеальный «Небеса». «Тянь» само по себе начало использоваться, лингвистически, как аффикс в составных именах, чтобы означать «небесный» или «божественный». Это также имело место в буддийском контексте, со многими названиями монастырей, содержащими этот элемент. [46] И буддизм, и даосизм разработали иерархические пантеоны, которые объединили метафизическое (небесное) и физическое (земное) бытие, стирая грань между человеческим и божественным, что усилило религиозную веру в то, что боги и верующие поддерживают друг друга. [47]

Принцип взаимности между человеческим и божественным привел к изменениям в пантеоне, которые отражали изменения в обществе. Поздняя династия Тан увидела распространение культа городских богов в прямой связи с развитием городов как центров торговли и ростом влияния торговых классов. Коммерческие путешествия открыли Китай для влияний иностранных культур. [48]

Ранний современный период

В XVI веке иезуитские миссии в Китае сыграли значительную роль в открытии диалога между Китаем и Западом. Иезуиты принесли западные науки, став советниками императорского двора по астрономии, преподавали математику и механику, но также адаптировали китайские религиозные идеи, такие как восхищение Конфуцием и почитание предков, в религиозную доктрину, которой они учили в Китае. [13] : 384  Маньчжурская династия Цин продвигала учение Конфуция как текстовую традицию , превосходящую все остальные. Цин сделали свои законы более патриархальными, чем любая предыдущая династия, а буддизм и даосизм были понижены. Несмотря на это, тибетский буддизм начал в этот период иметь значительное присутствие в Китае, с тибетским влиянием на западе и с монголами и маньчжурами на севере. [49] Позже, многие народные религиозные и институциональные религиозные храмы были разрушены во время восстания тайпинов . [50] Он был организован христианскими движениями, которые создали отдельное государство на юго-востоке Китая против династии Цин. В вдохновленном христианством Небесном Царстве Тайпинов официальная политика преследовала цель ликвидации китайских религий, чтобы заменить их формами христианства. В ходе этих усилий были уничтожены библиотеки буддийских монастырей, почти полностью в дельте реки Янцзы . [51]

В качестве реакции, восстание боксеров на рубеже веков, вероятно, было вдохновлено движениями коренных китайцев против влияния христианских миссионеров — «дьяволов», как их называли боксеры, — и западного колониализма . В то время Китай постепенно вторгался в европейские и американские державы, и с 1860 года христианские миссионеры имели право строить или арендовать помещения, и они присвоили себе множество храмов. Церкви с их высокими шпилями и инфраструктура иностранцев, фабрики и шахты рассматривались как нарушающие фэн-шуй и наносящие «огромное оскорбление» китайцам. Действия боксеров были направлены на саботаж или прямое уничтожение этой инфраструктуры. [52]

20 век по настоящее время

Почитаемый образ Китайской Богоматери , происхождение которого основано на явлении Девы Марии , произошедшем в стране в начале XX века.

Китай вступил в 20-й век под руководством маньчжурской династии Цин, правители которой отдавали предпочтение традиционным китайским религиям и участвовали в публичных религиозных церемониях. Тибетские буддисты признали Далай-ламу своим духовным и светским лидером. Народные культы регулировались имперской политикой, продвигая одних божеств и подавляя других. [53] Во время антииностранного и антихристианского восстания боксеров были убиты тысячи китайских христиан и иностранных миссионеров, но после ответного вторжения множество реформаторски настроенных китайцев обратились в христианство. [54] Между 1898 и 1904 годами правительство издало указ о «строительстве школ с использованием храмовой собственности». [55] : 3  [56]

После Синьхайской революции проблемой для нового интеллектуального класса стало уже не поклонение богам, как это было во времена империи, а делегитимация самой религии как препятствия модернизации. [56] Лидеры Движения за новую культуру восстали против конфуцианства, а Антихристианское движение было частью неприятия христианства как инструмента иностранного империализма. [57] Несмотря на все это, интерес китайских реформаторов к духовным и оккультным вопросам продолжал процветать в течение 1940-х годов. [58] Националистическое правительство Китайской Республики усилило подавление местной религии, разрушило или присвоило храмы [59] и официально отменило все культы богов, за исключением человеческих героев, таких как Юй Великий, Гуань Юй и Конфуций. [60] Сунь Ятсен и его преемник Чан Кайши были христианами. Во время японского вторжения в Китай между 1937 и 1945 годами многие храмы использовались солдатами в качестве казарм и были разрушены в ходе военных действий. [50] [61]

Китайская Народная Республика придерживается политики государственного атеизма . Первоначально новое правительство не подавляло религиозную практику, но рассматривало популярные религиозные движения как потенциально мятежные. Оно осуждало религиозные организации, называя их суеверными. Религии, которые считались «подходящими» и которым предоставлялась свобода, были теми, которые влекли за собой исконную традицию консолидированного государственного правления. [62] Кроме того, марксизм рассматривал религию как феодальную . Движение патриотов трех автономий институционализировало протестантские церкви в качестве официальных организаций. Католики сопротивлялись движению к государственному контролю и независимости от Ватикана. [63] Культурная революция включала систематические усилия по уничтожению религии [50] [60] и нового конфуцианства .

Политика значительно смягчилась в конце 1970-х годов. С 1978 года Конституция Китайской Народной Республики гарантирует свободу вероисповедания. В 1980 году Центральный комитет Коммунистической партии Китая одобрил просьбу Отдела работы Единого фронта о создании национальной конференции религиозных групп. [64] : 126–127  Участвующими религиозными группами были Католическая патриотическая ассоциация , Исламская ассоциация Китая , Китайская даосская ассоциация , Патриотическое движение трех автономий и Буддийская ассоциация Китая . [64] : 127  В течение нескольких десятилетий КПК молчаливо соглашалась или даже поощряла религиозное возрождение. В 1980-х годах правительство заняло разрешительную позицию в отношении иностранных миссионеров, въезжающих в страну под видом учителей. [65] : 41  Аналогичным образом, правительство стало более терпимым к народным религиозным практикам со времен Реформы и Открытости . [66] : 175–176  Хотя « неортодоксальные учения », такие как Фалуньгун, были запрещены, а практикующие подвергались преследованиям с 1999 года, местные власти, скорее всего, придерживались политики невмешательства в отношении других религий.

В конце 20 века произошла реактивация государственных культов, посвященных Желтому Императору и Красному Императору . [67] В начале 2000-х годов китайское правительство стало особенно открытым для традиционных религий, таких как буддизм Махаяны, даосизм и народная религия, подчеркивая роль религии в построении конфуцианского гармоничного общества . [68] [69] [70] Правительство основало Институт Конфуция в 2004 году для продвижения китайской культуры. В Китае проводились религиозные встречи и конференции, включая первый Всемирный буддийский форум в 2006 году, ряд международных даосских встреч и местные конференции по народным религиям. Соответствуя акценту китайских антропологов на «религиозной культуре», [55] : 5–7  правительство рассматривает их как неотъемлемые выражения национальной «китайской культуры». [71]

Поворотный момент наступил в 2005 году, когда народные религиозные культы начали защищаться и продвигаться в рамках политики нематериального культурного наследия . [55] : 9  Были не только возобновлены традиции, которые были прерваны на десятилетия, но и церемонии, забытые на века, были заново изобретены. Ежегодное поклонение богу Цаньконгу древнего государства Шу , например, было возобновлено в церемониальном комплексе недалеко от археологических раскопок Саньсиндуй в Сычуани . [72] Современные китайские политические лидеры были обожествлены в общем китайском пантеоне. [73] Международное сообщество стало обеспокоено утверждениями о том, что Китай извлекает органы у практикующих Фалуньгун и других религиозных меньшинств, включая христиан и уйгурских мусульман. [74] В 2012 году Си Цзиньпин сделал борьбу с моральным вакуумом и коррупцией путем возвращения к традиционной культуре одной из основных задач своего правительства. [75] В 2023 году правительство постановило, что все места поклонения должны поддерживать руководство Коммунистической партии Китая, воплощать в жизнь идеи Си Цзиньпина и содействовать китаизации религии. [6]

Демография

Демоскопический анализ и общие результаты

Храм Мацзу , богини моря, в Шаньвэе , Гуандун .
Прихожане храма городского бога Сучжоу , провинция Цзянсу. Это даосизм или народная религия? Для широкой китайской общественности они не отличаются, но мирянин вряд ли будет утверждать , что он «даос», поскольку даосизм — это набор доктринальных и литургических функций, которые работают как специализированные модели для местной религии. [76]
Храм Хэбо («Речной владыка»), бога (Хэшэн, «Речной бог») священной реки Хуанхэ , в Хэцюй , Синьчжоу , Шаньси .
Храм благовоний Снежный (香雪寺 Xiāngxuěsì ), сельский буддийский монастырь в Оухае , Вэньчжоу , Чжэцзян.
Местная народная святыня, украшенная по случаю фестиваля, в Чунву , провинция Фуцзянь.

Подсчитать количество верующих людей где-либо сложно; подсчитать их в Китае еще сложнее. Низкий уровень ответов, неслучайные выборки и неблагоприятный политический и культурный климат являются постоянными проблемами. [77] : 47  Один ученый приходит к выводу, что статистика по верующим в Китае «не может быть точной в реальном научном смысле», поскольку определения «религии» исключают людей, которые не считают себя членами религиозной организации, но все же «религиозны» в своих повседневных действиях и основных убеждениях. [78] Формы китайского религиозного выражения, как правило, синкретичны , и следование одной религии не обязательно означает отвержение или отрицание других. [79] В опросах мало кто идентифицирует себя как «даосов», потому что для большинства китайцев этот термин относится к рукоположенным священникам религии . Традиционно в китайском языке не было термина для обозначения мирянина, последователя даосизма, [80] поскольку понятие «даос» в этом смысле является новым словом, которое происходит от западного понятия «религия» как членства в церковном институте.

Анализ традиционных китайских религий еще больше осложняется расхождениями в терминологии, используемой в китайском и западных языках. В то время как в современном английском языке «народная религия» в широком смысле означает все формы общих культов богов и предков, в китайском языке и в академических кругах эти культы не имели всеобъемлющего названия. Под «народной религией» (民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào ) или «народными верованиями» (民間信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng ) китайские ученые обычно подразумевали народные религиозные организации и движения за спасение (народные религиозные секты). [81] [82] Кроме того, в 1990-х годах некоторые из этих организаций начали регистрироваться как филиалы официальной даосской ассоциации и, следовательно, подпадать под ярлык «даосизм». [83] Чтобы устранить эту терминологическую путаницу, некоторые китайские интеллектуалы предложили юридическое признание и управление коренной религией со стороны государства и принять название «китайская исконная (или коренная) религия» (民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào ) или «китайская этническая религия» (民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào ), [84] или другие названия. [примечание 4]

Некоторые западные авторы много рассуждали о количестве христиан в Китае. Крис Уайт в работе 2017 года для Института Макса Планка по изучению религиозного и этнического разнообразия Общества Макса Планка критикует данные и нарративы, выдвинутые этими авторами. Он замечает, что эти авторы работают в русле «западного евангелического предубеждения», отраженного в освещении, проводимом популярными СМИ, особенно в Соединенных Штатах , которые полагаются на «значительную романтизацию» китайских христиан. Их данные в основном необоснованны или манипулированы посредством неправомерных интерпретаций, поскольку «результаты опроса не подтверждают утверждения авторов». [87]

[примечание 1]

Помимо опросов, основанных на полевых работах, оценки с использованием прогнозов были опубликованы Pew Research Center в рамках его исследования глобального религиозного ландшафта в 2010 году. Это исследование оценило, что 21,9% населения Китая исповедуют народные религии, 18,2% являются буддистами, 5,1% являются христианами, 1,8% являются мусульманами, 0,8% исповедуют другие религии, в то время как неаффилированные люди составляют 52,2% населения. [98] Согласно опросам Фила Цукермана , опубликованным на Adherents.com, 59% населения Китая не были религиозными в 1993 году, а в 2005 году от 8% до 14% были атеистами (от более чем 100 до 180 миллионов). [77] Опрос, проведенный в 2012 году WIN/GIA, показал, что в Китае атеисты составляют 47% населения. [99]

Исследование Ю Тао 2008 года предоставило подробный анализ социальных характеристик религиозных общин. [90] Оно показало, что доля верующих мужчин была выше средней среди верующих, даосов и католиков, в то время как она была ниже средней среди протестантов. Буддистская община показывает больший баланс верующих мужчин и женщин. Что касается возраста верующих, верующие и католики, как правило, были моложе среднего, в то время как протестантские и даосские общины состояли из людей старшего возраста. Христианская община с большей вероятностью, чем другие религии, имела членов, принадлежащих к этническим меньшинствам . Исследование проанализировало долю верующих, которые в то же время были членами местного отделения КПК, обнаружив, что она была исключительно высокой среди даосов, в то время как самая низкая доля была обнаружена среди протестантов. Что касается образования и богатства, исследование показало, что самым богатым населением были буддисты и особенно католики, в то время как самым бедным было протестанты; Даосы и католики были более образованными, в то время как протестанты были менее образованными среди религиозных общин. Эти результаты подтвердили описание Фрэнсиса Чинг-Ва Йипа о том, что протестантское население в основном состояло из сельских жителей, неграмотных и полуграмотных людей, пожилых людей и женщин, уже в 1990-х и начале 2000-х годов. [100] Исследование христианских общин Уханя, проведенное в 2017 году , обнаружило те же социально-экономические характеристики, с добавлением того, что христиане были более склонны страдать от физических и психических заболеваний, чем население в целом. [101]

Результаты исследований китайских семей за 2012 год показывают, что буддисты, как правило, моложе и лучше образованы, в то время как христиане старше и, скорее всего, неграмотны. [94] : 17–18  Более того, буддисты, как правило, богаты, в то время как христиане чаще всего принадлежат к беднейшим слоям населения. [94] : 20–21  Было обнаружено, что в Хэнане проживает самый большой процент христиан среди всех провинций Китая, около 6%. [94] : 13  По словам Цзи Чжэ, чань-буддизм и индивидуальные, неинституциональные формы народной религиозности особенно популярны среди современной китайской молодежи. [102]

  1. ^ Пекин , Шанхай , Наньтун , Ухань , Баодин .
  2. ^ Хотя 215 миллионов, или 16%, заявили, что они «верят в существование» духов предков.
  3. ^ Опрошенное население проживало в провинциях Цзянсу , Сычуань , Шэньси , Цзилинь , Хэбэй и Фуцзянь .
  4. ^ Центр китайской аграрной политики
  5. ^ В основном католицизм (0,6%), в то время как никто не указал принадлежность к протестантизму (0%).

Географическое распределение

Географическое распределение религий в Китае. [110] [111] [112] [113]
Китайская народная религияконфуцианство , даосизм и группы китайского буддизма )
Буддизм tout court
Ислам
Коренные религии этнических меньшинств
Монгольская народная религия
Северо-восточная китайская народная религия, находящаяся под влиянием тунгусского и маньчжурского шаманизма , широко распространенная шаньрендао
Географическое распределение и основные религиозные общины в Китае. [112] [113]

Разновидности китайской религии распространены по всей карте Китая в разной степени. Южные провинции испытали наиболее очевидное возрождение китайской народной религии, [114] [115] хотя она присутствует по всему Китаю в самых разных формах, переплетаясь с даосизмом , орденами фаши , конфуцианством , ритуалами нуо , шаманизмом и другими религиозными течениями. Даосизм Цюаньчжэнь в основном присутствует на севере, в то время как Сычуань является областью, где развивался даосизм Тяньши и где ранние Небесные Мастера имели свою главную резиденцию. Вдоль юго-восточного побережья даосизм, как сообщается, доминирует в ритуальной деятельности народной религии, как в зарегистрированных, так и в незарегистрированных формах ( даосизм Чжэнъи и непризнанные ордена фаши ). С 1990-х годов даосизм был хорошо развит в этом районе. [116] [117]

Многие ученые рассматривают «северокитайскую религию» как нечто отличное от практик на юге. [118] Народная религия южных и юго-восточных провинций в первую очередь сосредоточена на родословных и их церквях ( zōngzú xiéhuì 宗族协会) и поклонении богам-предкам. Народная религия центрально-северного Китая ( Северо-Китайская равнина ), в противном случае, сосредоточена на коллективном поклонении покровительствующим божествам творения и природы как символам идентичности, деревнями, населенными семьями с разными фамилиями, [119] структурированными в «сообщества бога(ов)» ( shénshè 神社, или huì , «объединение»), [120] которые организуют храмовые церемонии ( miaohui 庙会), включающие шествия и паломничества, [121] и возглавляемые местными мастерами ритуалов ( fashi ), которые часто являются наследственными и связаны со светской властью. [примечание 8] Северные и южные народные религии также имеют разный пантеон , из которых северный состоит из более древних богов китайской мифологии . [122]

Народные религиозные движения спасения исторически были более успешными на центральных равнинах и в северо-восточных провинциях, чем в Южном Китае, и центрально-северная популярная религия разделяет характеристики некоторых сект, такие как большое значение, придаваемое поклонению богине-матери и шаманизму, [123] а также их передача через писания. [118] : 92  Также конфуцианские церкви и организации цзяохуа исторически нашли большой резонанс среди населения северо-востока; в 1930-х годах только Вселенская церковь Пути и ее Добродетели объединяла не менее 25% населения государства Маньчжурия [124] , а современный Шаньдун был проанализирован как область быстрого роста народных конфуцианских групп. [125]

Гуссарт говорит об этом различии, хотя и признавая его чрезмерным упрощением, между «даосским югом» и «деревенской религией/конфуцианским центром-севером», [118] : 47  с северным контекстом, также характеризующимся важными орденами «народных даосских» мастеров ритуалов, одним из которых является орден иньяншэн (阴阳生yīnyángshēng ), [118] : 86  [126] и сектантскими традициями, [118] : 92  , а также слабым влиянием буддизма и официального даосизма. [118] : 90 

Народная религия северо-восточного Китая имеет уникальные характеристики, вытекающие из взаимодействия религии хань с тунгусским и маньчжурским шаманизмом ; к ним относятся практика чумасянь (出马仙«езда для бессмертных»), поклонение лисовидным богам и другим зооморфным божествам , а также Великому повелителю трех лис (胡三太爷 Húsān Tàiyé ) и Великой госпоже трех лис (胡三太奶 Húsān Tàinǎi ), обычно помещаемым во главе пантеонов . [127] В остальном, в религиозном контексте Внутренней Монголии произошла значительная интеграция ханьцев в традиционную народную религию региона.

По всему Китаю религия хань даже переняла божества из тибетской народной религии , особенно богов богатства. [128] В Тибете , на всем Западном Китае и во Внутренней Монголии наблюдался рост культа Гесара при явной поддержке китайского правительства, поскольку Гесар является межэтническим божеством хань-тибетцев, монголов и маньчжуров — ханьцы идентифицируют его как аспект бога войны по аналогии с Гуанди — и культурного героя , мифология которого воплощена в культурно важной эпической поэме . [129]

Школы буддизма ханьских китайцев в основном практикуются в восточной части страны. С другой стороны, тибетский буддизм является доминирующей религией в Тибете и значительно представлен в других самых западных провинциях, где этнические тибетцы составляют значительную часть населения, и имеет сильное влияние во Внутренней Монголии на севере. Тибетская традиция также приобретает растущее влияние среди ханьских китайцев. [130]

Христиане особенно сконцентрированы в трех провинциях Хэнань , Аньхой и Чжэцзян. [100] Последние две провинции находились в районе, затронутом восстанием тайпинов , и Чжэцзян вместе с Хэнанем были центрами интенсивной протестантской миссионерской деятельности в 19-м и начале 20-го века . Христианство практикуется в Гонконге с 1841 года. По состоянию на 2010 год [131] в Гонконге проживало 843 000 христиан (11,8% от общей численности населения). По состоянию на 2010 год примерно 5% населения Макао идентифицируют себя как христиане, преимущественно католики. [132]

Ислам является религией большинства в районах проживания мусульман- хуэй , особенно в провинции Нинся и в провинции Синьцзян, где проживают уйгуры . Многие этнические меньшинства в Китае следуют своим традиционным этническим религиям: бэнцжуизм бай , бимоизм и , бон тибетцев , дунбаизм наси , народная религия мяо , народная религия цян , народная религия яо , народная религия чжуан , монгольский шаманизм или тэнгэризм и маньчжурский шаманизм среди маньчжуров.

Религии по провинциям

Исторические записи и современные научные полевые исследования свидетельствуют о том, что некоторые центральные и северные провинции Китая являются очагами народных религиозных сект и конфуцианских религиозных групп.

По данным Общего социального исследования Китая 2012 года [135] , около 2,2% от общей численности населения Китая (около 30 миллионов человек) заявляют о своей принадлежности к народным религиозным сектам, которые, вероятно, сохранили свое историческое господство в центрально-северном и северо-восточном Китае.

Определение того, что в Китае является духовным и религиозным

Поклонение в Великом храме правителя Чжан Хуэя (张挥公大殿 Zhāng Huī gōng dàdiàn ), кафедральном соборе родовой святыни династии Чжан , в их родовом поместье в Цинхэ , провинция Хэбэй .
Статуя Конфуция в храме в Чунмине , Шанхай .

Центрирование и родословная

Культура китайцев-ханьцев воплощает в себе концепцию религии, которая отличается от той, которая распространена в авраамических традициях , которые основаны на вере во всемогущего Бога, существующего вне мира и человеческой расы и имеющего полную власть над ними. [142] Китайские религии, в целом, не уделяют такого большого внимания исключительности и доктрине, как христианство. [143]

Культура китайцев хань отмечена «гармоничным холизмом» [144] , в котором религиозное выражение является синкретичным, а религиозные системы охватывают элементы, которые растут, изменяются и трансформируются, но остаются в пределах органического целого. Выполнение обрядов ( ) является ключевой характеристикой общей китайской религии, которую ученые считают восходящей к временам неолита. По словам ученого Стефана Фойхтванга , обряды задуманы как «то, что делает невидимое видимым», позволяя людям развивать базовый порядок природы. Правильно выполненные ритуалы приводят общество в соответствие с земными и небесными (астральными) силами, устанавливая гармонию трех сфер — Неба, Земли и человечества. Эта практика определяется как «центрирование» ( yāng или zhōng ). Ритуалы могут выполняться правительственными чиновниками, старейшинами семей, популярными мастерами ритуалов и даосами, причем последние культивируют местных богов, чтобы сосредоточить силы вселенной на определенной местности. Среди всех вещей творения люди сами по себе являются «центральными», поскольку они обладают способностью развивать и центрировать природные силы. [145]

Этот изначальный смысл ритуала объединял моральное и религиозное и не проводил границ между семейной, общественной и политической жизнью. С самых древних времен китайцы были склонны быть всеобъемлющими, а не относиться к различным религиозным традициям как к отдельным и независимым. Ученый Синьчжун Яо утверждает, что термин «китайская религия», таким образом, не подразумевает, что существует только одна религиозная система, но что «различные способы веры и практики... укоренены и могут быть определены культурно общими темами и чертами», и что «различные религиозные течения и течения сформировали культурно единую единую традицию», в которой основные концепции и практики связаны. [144]

Непрерывность китайской цивилизации на протяжении тысяч лет и тысяч квадратных миль стала возможной благодаря религиозным традициям Китая, понимаемым как системы передачи знаний. [146] Ожидается, что достойный китаец будет помнить огромное количество информации из прошлого и опираться на это прошлое для формирования своих моральных суждений. [146] Память о прошлом и предках важна для отдельных лиц и групп. Идентичность групп, основанных на происхождении, формируется историями, письменными генеалогиями ( zupu , «книги предков»), храмовыми мероприятиями и деревенским театром, которые связывают их с историей. [147]

Эта опора на групповую память является основой китайской практики поклонения предкам (拜祖 bàizǔ или敬祖 jìngzǔ ), которая восходит к доисторическим временам и является центральным аспектом китайской религии. [147] Определенный как «основная религия китайцев», поклонение предкам является средством памяти и, следовательно, культурной жизнеспособности всей китайской цивилизации. [148] Обряды, символы, предметы и идеи создают и передают групповые и индивидуальные идентичности. [149] Ритуалы и жертвоприношения используются не только для того, чтобы искать благословения у предков, но и для создания общественной и образовательной религиозной среды, в которой люди прочно связаны с прославленной историей. Предков вызывают как богов и поддерживают в живых на этих церемониях, чтобы они приносили удачу и защищали от злых сил и призраков . [150]

Два главных праздника, связанных с поклонением предкам, — это праздник Цинмин и праздник Двойной девятки , но почитание предков проводится и во многих других церемониях, включая свадьбы , похороны и посвящения в триады . Верующие обычно возносят молитвы через обряд цзинсян с подношениями еды, зажиганием благовоний и свечей и сжиганием бумаги-амулета . Эти мероприятия обычно проводятся на месте родовых могил или гробниц, в родовом храме или в домашнем святилище.

Практика, разработанная в китайской народной религии постмаоистского Китая, которая началась в 1990-х годах с конфуцианских храмов, управляемых кум-кином (родословная потомков самого Конфуция), представляет собой представление предков в родовых святилищах не только через таблички с их именами, но и через статуи. Скульптурные изображения ранее использовались исключительно для буддийских бодхисаттв и даосских богов. [151]

Культы родословных основателей фамилий и родов являются религиозными микрокосмами, которые являются частью более крупного организма, то есть культами богов-предков региональных и этнических групп, которые, в свою очередь, являются частью дальнейшего макрокосма, культов добродетельных исторических личностей, которые оказали важное влияние на историю Китая, яркими примерами которых являются Конфуций , Гуанди или Хуанди , Янди и Чию , последние три считаются богами-предками китайцев хань (Хуанди и Янди) и западных меньшинств и иностранцев (Чию). Эта иерархия продолжается до богов космоса, Земли и самого Неба. Другими словами, предки рассматриваются как эквивалент Неба в человеческом обществе, [152] и, следовательно, являются средством, связывающим обратно с Небом как «высшим предком-отцом» (曾祖父 zēngzǔfù ). [153]

Теологический и космологический дискурс

Тянь («Небо» или «Небо») — это идея абсолютного принципа или Бога, проявляющегося как северный кульминационный пункт и звездный свод небес в китайской общей религии и философии . [154] Конфуцианцы, даосы и другие школы мысли разработали различные интерпретации. [155] Популярным представлением Неба является Нефритовое Божество (玉帝 Yùdì ) или Нефритовый Император (玉皇 Yùhuáng ). [156] [примечание 10] Тянь определяется многими способами, со многими именами, другие известные из которых — Tàidì 太帝(«Великое Божество») и Shàngdì 上帝(«Высшее Божество») или просто («Божество»). [примечание 11]

Di переводится как «божество» или «император» и описывает божественный принцип, который оказывает отеческое господство над тем, что он производит. [163] Тенгри является эквивалентом Тянь в алтайских шаманских религиях. По словам Стефана Фейхтванга, в китайской космологии «вселенная создает себя из первичного хаоса материальной энергии» ( hundun 混沌и ци ), организуясь как полярность инь и ян, которая характеризует любую вещь и жизнь. Творение, таким образом, является непрерывным упорядочением; это не творение ex nihilo . Инь и ян являются невидимым и видимым, восприимчивым и активным, бесформенным и сформированным; они характеризуют годовой цикл (зиму и лето), ландшафт (тенистый и яркий), полы (женский и мужской) и даже социально-политическую историю (беспорядок и порядок). [145]

В то время как конфуцианское богословие подчеркивает необходимость реализации звездного порядка Небес в человеческом обществе, даосское богословие подчеркивает Дао («Путь»), что одним словом обозначает как источник, так и его спонтанное возникновение в природе. [164] В конфуцианском тексте «Об исправлении» ( Чжэн лунь ) Сюньцзы Бог Небес обсуждается как активная сила, приводящая в движение творение. [165] В традиции конфуцианства Нового Текста Конфуций рассматривается как «безтронный царь» Бога Небес и спаситель мира. В противном случае школа Старых Текстов рассматривает Конфуция как мудреца, который дал новую интерпретацию традиции предыдущих великих династий. [166] Неоконфуцианские мыслители, такие как Чжу Си (1130–1200), развивали идею , «разума», «порядка» Небес, который раскрывается в полярности инь и ян. [167] В даосской теологии Бог Небес обсуждается как Нефритовая Чистота (玉清 Yùqīng ), «Небесный Почтенный Первого Начала» (元始天尊 Yuánshǐ Tiānzūn ), центральный из Трех Чистых , которые представляют центр вселенной и ее две модальности проявления. Даже китайский буддизм адаптировался к общепринятой китайской космологии, проводя параллель со своей концепцией триединого верховного существа, где Шакьямуни , Амитаба и Майтрейя представляют соответственно просветление, спасение и постапокалиптический рай, [168] в то время как Татхата (真如 zhēnrú , «таковость») обычно идентифицируется как само верховное существо. [169]

В китайской религии Тянь является как трансцендентным , так и имманентным , [170] присущим множественным явлениям природы ( политеизм или космотеизм , yǔzhòu shénlùn 宇宙神论). [171] Шэнь, как объясняется в Шуовэнь Цзецзы , «являются духами Небес. Они вытягивают десять тысяч вещей». [172] Шэнь и предки ( ) являются агентами, которые порождают явления, которые раскрывают или воспроизводят порядок Небес. Шэнь , как определено ученым Стивеном Тейзером , — это термин, который необходимо переводить на английский язык по крайней мере тремя разными способами в зависимости от контекста: «дух», «духи» и «духовный». Первый, «дух», имеет значение «человеческий дух» или «психика». Второе использование — «духи» или «боги» — последнее пишется с маленькой буквы, потому что «китайские духи и боги не обязательно должны рассматриваться как всемогущие, трансцендентные или создатели мира». Эти «духи» связаны со звездами, горами и ручьями и напрямую влияют на то, что происходит в естественном и человеческом мире. Вещь или существо является «духовным» — третье чувство шэнь — когда оно внушает благоговение или удивление. [173]

Шэнь противопоставляются guǐ («призраки» или «демоны»). Шэнь считаются yáng , в то время как gui являются yīn . [173] Gui может быть духом или душой предка, призванного обратно жить в духовной табличке семьи. [174] Однако сочетание鬼神 guǐshén («призраки и духи») включает в себя как хорошее, так и плохое, тех, кто удачлив или неудачлив, доброжелательных или злонамеренных, небесный и демонический аспекты живых существ. Эта двойственность guishen оживляет все существа, будь то камни, деревья и планеты, или животные и люди. В этом смысле можно сказать, что «анимизм» характеризует китайское мировоззрение. Кроме того, поскольку люди, шэнь и гуй все сделаны из ( пневма или изначальное вещество), нет никакого разрыва или барьера между добрыми и злыми духами или между этими духами и людьми. Нет онтологического различия между богами и демонами, и люди могут подражать богам и присоединяться к ним в пантеоне. [173] Если эти духи игнорируются или оставлены, или не были обработаны ритуалами смерти, если они были людьми, они становятся голодными и оказываются в ловушке в местах, где они встретили свою смерть, становясь опасными для живых существ и требуя экзорцизма. [175]

Концепции религии, традиции и учения

В классическом китайском языке не было термина, соответствующего слову «религия» . [177] Сочетание zong () и jiao (), которое теперь соответствует слову «религия», было в ходу со времен династии Тан в кругах Чань для определения буддийской доктрины. Оно было выбрано для перевода западного понятия «религия» только в конце 19-го века, когда китайские интеллектуалы приняли японский термин shūkyō (произносится zongjiao по-китайски). [178] Под влиянием западного рационализма и более позднего марксизма, то, что большинство китайцев сегодня подразумевают под zōngjiào , является «организованными доктринами», то есть «надстройками, состоящими из суеверий, догм, ритуалов и институтов». [179] Большинство ученых в Китае используют термин «религия» ( цзунцзяо ), чтобы включить в него формальные институты, определенные верования, духовенство и священные тексты, в то время как западные ученые склонны использовать этот термин более свободно. [180]

Цзун («предок», «модель», «образец», «хозяин», «образец», но также и «цель») подразумевает, что понимание конечного происходит из трансформированной фигуры великих предков или прародителей, которые продолжают поддерживать — и соответственно полагаться — на своих потомков во взаимном обмене выгодами. [181] Цзяо («учение») связано с сыновней почтительностью ( сяо ), поскольку подразумевает передачу знаний от старших к молодым и поддержки от молодых к старшим. [181]

Understanding religion primarily as an ancestral tradition, the Chinese have a relationship with the divine that functions socially, politically as well as spiritually.[142] The Chinese concept of "religion" draws the divine near to the human world.[142] Because "religion" refers to the bond between the human and the divine, there is always a danger that this bond be broken.[181] However, the term zōngjiào—instead of separation—emphasises communication, correspondence and mutuality between the ancestor and the descendant, the master and the disciple, and between the Way (Tao, the way of the divine in nature) and its ways.[181] Ancestors are the mediators of Heaven.[182] In other words, to the Chinese, the supreme principle is manifested and embodied by the chief gods of each phenomenon and of each human kin, making the worship of the highest God possible even in each ancestral temple.[142]

Chinese concepts of religion differ from concepts in Judaism and Christianity, says scholar Julia Ching, which were "religions of the fathers", that is, patriarchal religions, whereas Chinese religion was not only "a patriarchal religion but also an ancestral religion". Israel believed in the "God of its fathers, but not its divinised fathers". Among the ancient Chinese, the God of the Zhou dynasty appeared to have been an ancestor of the ruling house. "The belief in Tian (Heaven) as the great ancestral spirit differed from the Judeo-Christian, and later Islamic belief in a creator God". Early Christianity's Church Fathers pointed out that the First Commandment injunction, "thou shalt have no other gods before me", reserved all worship for one God, and that prayers therefore might not be offered to the dead, even though Judaism, Christianity, and Islam did encourage prayers for the dead.[183] Unlike the Abrahamic traditions in which living beings are created by God out of nothing, in Chinese religions all living beings descend from beings that existed before. These ancestors are the roots of current and future beings. They continue to live in the lineage which they begot, and are cultivated as models and exemplars by their descendants.[184]

The mutual support of elders and youth is needed for the continuity of the ancestral tradition, that is communicated from generation to generation.[181] With an understanding of religion as teaching and education, the Chinese have a staunch confidence in the human capacity of transformation and perfection, enlightenment or immortality.[185] In the Chinese religions, humans are confirmed and reconfirmed with the ability to improve themselves, in a positive attitude towards eternity.[185] Hans Küng defined Chinese religions as the "religions of wisdom", thereby distinguishing them from the "religions of prophecy" (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) and from the "religions of mysticism" (Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism).[185]

The cults of gods and ancestors that in recent (originally Western) literature have been classified as "Chinese popular religion", traditionally neither have a common name nor are considered zōngjiào ("doctrines").[186] The lack of an overarching name conceptualising Chinese local and indigenous cults has led to some confusion in the terminology employed in scholarly literature. In Chinese, with the terms usually translated in English as "folk religion" (i.e. 民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào) or "folk faith" (i.e. 民間信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng) they generally refer to the folk religious movements of salvation, and not to the local and indigenous cults of gods and ancestors. To resolve this issue, some Chinese intellectuals have proposed to formally adopt "Chinese native religion" or "Chinese indigenous religion" (i.e. 民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào), or "Chinese ethnic religion" (i.e. 民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào), or even "Chinese religion" (中華教 Zhōnghuájiào) and "Shenxianism" (神仙教 Shénxiānjiào), as single names for the local indigenous cults of China.[187]

Religious economy of temples and rituals

Folk temple on the rooftop of a commercial building in the city of Wenzhou

The economic dimension of Chinese folk religion is also important.[188] Mayfair Yang (2007) studied how rituals and temples interweave to form networks of grassroots socio-economic capital for the welfare of local communities, fostering the circulation of wealth and its investment in the "sacred capital" of temples, gods and ancestors.[189]

This religious economy already played a role in periods of imperial China, plays a significant role in modern Taiwan, and is seen as a driving force in the rapid economic development in parts of rural China, especially the southern and eastern coasts.[190]

According to Law (2005), in his study about the relationship between the revival of folk religion and the reconstruction of patriarchal civilisation:

"Similar to the case in Taiwan, the practice of folk religion in rural southern China, particularly in the Pearl River Delta, has thrived as the economy has developed. ... In contrast to Weberian predictions, these phenomena suggest that drastic economic development in the Pearl River Delta may not lead to total disenchantment with beliefs concerning magic in the cosmos. On the contrary, the revival of folk religions in the Delta region is serving as a countervailing re-embedding force from the local cultural context, leading to the coexistence of the world of enchantments and the modern world."[191]

Yang defined it as an "embedded capitalism", which preserves local identity and autonomy, and an "ethical capitalism" in which the drive for individual accumulation of money is tempered by religious and kinship ethics of generosity that foster the sharing and investment of wealth in the construction of civil society.[192] Hao (2017) defined lineage temples as nodes of economic and political power which work through the principle of crowdfunding (zhongchou):[193]

"A successful family temple economy expands its clientele from lineage relatives to strangers from other villages and kin groups by shifting from the worship of a single ancestor to embrace diverse religions. In this way, the management of a temple metamorphoses into a real business. Most Shishi villages have associations for the elderly (laorenhui), which are formed through a 'civil election' (minxuan) among prosperous businessmen representing their family committees. This association resembles the local government of a village, with responsibilities for popular rituals as well as public order."

Main religions

Xuanyuan Temple in Huangling, Yan'an, Shaanxi, dedicated to the worship of Xuanyuan Huangdi (the "Yellow Deity of the Chariot Shaft") at the ideal sacred centre of China.[note 13]

In China, many religious believers practice or draw beliefs from multiple religions simultaneously and are not exclusively associated with a single faith.[196]: 48–49  Generally, such syncretic practices fuse Taoism, Buddhism, and folk religion.[196]: 48–49 

Chinese popular religion

Temple of the Great Goddess in Fuding, Ningde, Fujian. The compound has a small ancient pavilion and a larger modern one behind of it.
Temple of the God of the South Sea in Guangzhou, Guangdong
Temple of Guandi, the god of war, in Datong, Shanxi
People forgathering at an ancestral shrine in Hong'an, Hubei

Chinese popular or folk religion, usually referred to as traditional faith (chuantong xinyang)[196]: 49  is the "background" religious tradition of the Chinese, whose practices and beliefs are shared by both the elites and the common people. This tradition includes veneration of forces of nature and ancestors, exorcism of harmful forces, and a belief that a rational order structures the universe, and such order may be influenced by human beings and their rulers. Worship is devoted to gods and immortals (shén and xiān), who may be founders of human groups and lineages, deities of stars, earthly phenomena, and of human behavior.[197]

Chinese popular religion is "diffused", rather than "institutional", in the sense that there are no canonical scriptures or unified clergy—though it relies upon the vast heritage represented by the Chinese classics—, and its practices and beliefs are handed down over the generations through Chinese mythology as told in popular forms of literature, theatre, and visual arts, and are embedded in rituals which define the microcosm of the nuclear families, the kins or lineages (which are peoples within the Chinese people, identified by the same surnames and by the same ancestor-god), and professional guilds, rather than in institutions with merely religious functions.[186] It is a meaning system of social solidarity and identity, which provides the fabric of Chinese society, uniting all its levels from the lineages to the village or city communities, to the state and the national economy.

Because this common religion is embedded in Chinese social relations, it historically has never had an objectifying name.[186] Since the 2000s, Chinese scholars have proposed names to identify it more clearly, including "Chinese native religion" or "Chinese indigenous religion" (民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào), "Chinese ethnic religion" (民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào), or simply "Chinese religion" (中華教 Zhōnghuájiào), "Shenism" (神教 Shénjiào) and "Shenxianism" (神仙教 Shénxiānjiào, "religion of deities and immortals"). This search for a precise name is meant to solve terminological confusion, since "folk religion" (民间宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào) or "folk belief" (民间信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng) have historically defined the sectarian movements of salvation and not the local cults devoted to deities and progenitors, and it is also meant to identify a "national Chinese religion" similarly to Hinduism in India and Shinto in Japan.[187]

Taoism has been defined by scholar and Taoist initiate Kristofer Schipper as a doctrinal and liturgical framework for the development of indigenous religions.[198]: 105–106  The Zhengyi school is especially intertwined with local cults, with Zhengyi daoshi (道士, "masters of the Tao", otherwise commonly translated simply the "Taoists", since common followers and folk believers who are not part of Taoist orders are not identified as such) performing rituals for local temples and communities. Various vernacular orders of ritual ministers often identified as "folk Taoists", operate in folk religion but outside the jurisdiction of the state's Taoist Church or schools clearly identified as Taoist. Confucianism advocates the worship of gods and ancestors through appropriate rites.[199][200] Folk temples and ancestral shrines, on special occasions, may use Confucian liturgy ( or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthoprax") led by Confucian "sages of rites" (礼生 lǐshēng), who in many cases are the elders of a local community. Confucian liturgies are alternated with Taoist liturgies and popular ritual styles.[201] Taoism in its various currents, either comprehended or not within Chinese folk religion, has some of its origins from Chinese shamanism (Wuism).[25]

Despite this great diversity, all experiences of Chinese religion have a common theological core that may be summarized in four cosmological and moral concepts:[202] Tian (), Heaven, the "transcendently immanent" source of moral meaning; qi (), the breath or energy–matter that animates the universe; jingzu (敬祖), the veneration of ancestors; and bao ying (报应), moral reciprocity; together with two traditional concepts of fate and meaning:[203] ming yun (命运), the personal destiny or burgeoning; and yuan fen (缘分), "fateful coincidence",[204] good and bad chances and potential relationships.[204]

In Chinese religion yin and yang constitute the polarity that describes the order of the universe,[167] held in balance by the interaction of principles of growth or expansion (shen) and principles of waning or contraction (gui),[10] with act (yang) usually preferred over receptiveness (yin).[205] Ling (numen or sacred) coincides with the middle way between the two states, that is the inchoate order of creation.[205] It is the force establishing responsive communication between yin and yang, and is the power of gods, masters of building and healing, rites and sages.[168]

The present-day government of China, like the erstwhile imperial dynasties of the Ming and Qing, tolerates popular religious cults if they bolster social stability, but suppresses or persecutes cults and deities which threaten moral order.[206] After the fall of the empire in 1911, governments and elites opposed or attempted to eradicate folk religion in order to promote "modern" values while overcoming "feudal superstition". These attitudes began to change in the late 20th century, and contemporary scholars generally have a positive vision of popular religion.[207]

Since the 1980s Chinese folk religions experienced a revival in both mainland China and Taiwan. Some forms have received official approval as they preserve traditional Chinese culture, including the worship of Mazu and the school of Sanyiism in Fujian,[208] Huangdi worship,[209] and other forms of local worship, for instance the worship of Longwang, Pangu or Caishen.[210] In mid-2015 the government of Zhejiang began the registration of the province's tens of thousands of folk religious temples.[211]

According to the most recent demographic analyses, an average 80% of the population of China, approximately 1 billion people, practises cults of gods and ancestors or belongs to folk religious movements. Moreover, according to one survey approximately 14% of the population claims different levels of affiliation with Taoist practices.[93] Other figures from the micro-level testify the wide proliferation of folk religions: in 1989 there were 21,000 male and female shamans (shen han and wu po respectively, as they are named locally), 60% of them young, in the Pingguo County of Guangxi alone;[212] and by the mid-1990s the government of the Yulin Prefecture of Shaanxi counted over 10,000 folk temples on its territory alone,[213] for a population of 3.1 million, an average of one temple per 315 persons.

According to Wu and Lansdowne:[214]

"... numbers for authorised religions are dwarfed by the huge comeback of traditional folk religion in China. ... these actually may involve the majority of the population. Chinese officials and scholars now are studying "folk faiths" ... after decades of suppressing any discussion of this phenomenon. Certain local officials for some time have had to treat regional folk faiths as de facto legitimate religion, alongside the five authorized religions."

According to Yiyi Lu, discussing the reconstruction of Chinese civil society:[215]

"... the two decades after the reforms have seen the revival of many folk societies organized around the worshipping of local deities, which had been banned by the state for decades as 'feudal superstition'. These societies enjoy wide local support, as they carry on traditions going back many generations, and cater to popular beliefs in theism, fatalism and retribution ... Because they build on tradition, common interest, and common values, these societies enjoy social legitimacy ... ."

In December 2015, the Chinese Folk Temples' Management Association was formally established with the approval of the government of China and under the aegis of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs.[216]

Folk religious movements of salvation

Temple of the Founding Father (师祖殿 Shīzǔdiàn) of the principal holy see (圣地 shèngdì) of the Plum Flower school in Xingtai, Hebei

China has a long history of sectarian traditions, called "salvationist religions" (救度宗教 jiùdù zōngjiào) by some scholars, which are characterized by a concern for salvation (moral fulfillment) of the person and the society, having a soteriological and eschatological character.[217] They generally emerged from the common religion but are separate from the lineage cults of ancestors and progenitors, as well as from the communal worship of deities of village temples, neighborhood, corporation, or national temples.[218] The 20th-century expression of such religions has been studied under Prasenjit Duara's definition of "redemptive societies" (救世团体 jiùshì tuántǐ),[219][220] while modern Chinese scholarship describes them as "folk religious sects" (民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào, 民间教门 mínjiān jiàomén or 民间教派 mínjiān jiàopài),[221] overcoming the ancient derogatory definition of xiéjiào (邪教), "evil religion".[222]

These religions are characterized by egalitarianism, charismatic founding figures claiming to have received divine revelation, a millenarian eschatology and voluntary path of salvation, an embodied experience of the numinous through healing and cultivation, and an expansive orientation through good deeds, evangelism and philanthropy. Their practices are focused on improving morality, body cultivation, and on the recitation of scriptures.[217]

Many redemptive religions of the 20th and 21st century aspire to embody and reform Chinese tradition in the face of Western modernism and materialism.[223] They include[224] Yiguandao and other sects belonging to the Xiantiandao (先天道 "Way of Former Heaven"), Jiugongdao (九宮道 "Way of the Nine Palaces"), the various branches of Luoism, Zailiism, and more recent ones such as the Church of Virtue, Weixinism, Xuanyuanism and Tiandiism. Also the qigong schools are developments of folk salvationist movements.[225] All these movements were banned in the early Republic of China (1912–49) and later People's Republic. Many of them still remain underground or unrecognized in China, while others—for instance the Church of Virtue, Tiandiism, Xuanyuanism, Weixinism and Yiguandao—operate in China and collaborate with academic and non-governmental organizations.[208] Sanyiism is another folk religious organization founded in the 16th century, which is present in the Putian region (Xinghua) of Fujian where it is legally recognized.[208] Some of these movements began to register as branches of the Taoist Association since the 1990s.[226]

Another category that has been sometimes confused with that of the folk salvationist movements by scholars is that of the secret societies (會道門 huìdàomén, 祕密社會 mìmì shèhuì, or 秘密結社 mìmì jiéshè).[227] They are religious communities of initiatory and secretive character, including rural militias such as the Red Spears (紅槍會) and the Big Knives (大刀會), and fraternal organizations such as the Green Gangs (青幫) and the Elders' Societies (哥老會).[228] They were very active in the early republican period, and often identified as "heretical doctrines" (宗教異端 zōngjiào yìduān).[228] Recent scholarship has coined the category of "secret sects" (祕密教門 mìmì jiàomén) to distinguish positively-viewed peasant secret societies of the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, from the negatively-viewed secret societies of the early republic which were regarded as anti-revolutionary forces.[228]

A further type of folk religious movements, possibly overlapping with the "secret sects", are the martial sects. They combine two aspects: the wénchǎng (文场 "cultural field"), which is a doctrinal aspect characterised by elaborate cosmologies, theologies, and liturgies, and usually taught only to initiates; and the wǔchǎng (武场 "martial field"), that is the practice of bodily cultivation, usually shown as the "public face" of the sect.[229] These martial folk religions were outlawed by Ming imperial decrees which continued to be enforced until the fall of the Qing dynasty in the 20th century.[229] An example of martial sect is Meihuaism (梅花教 Méihuājiào, "Plum Flowers"), a branch of Baguaism which has become very popular throughout northern China.[229][230] In Taiwan, virtually all folk salvationist movements operate freely since the late 1980s.

Confucianism

Temple of Confucius of Liuzhou, Guangxi. This is a wénmiào (文庙), that is to say a temple where Confucius is worshiped as Wéndì (文帝), "God of Culture".
One of the many modern statues of Confucius that have been erected in China.
Prayer flairs at a Confucian temple

Confucianism in Chinese is called, 儒教 Rújiào, the "teaching of scholars", or 孔教 Kǒngjiào, the "teaching of Confucius". It is both a teaching and a set of ritual practices. Yong Chen calls the question on the definition of Confucianism "probably one of the most controversial issues in both Confucian scholarship and the discipline of religious studies".[231]

Guy Alitto points out that there was "literally no equivalent for the Western (and later worldwide) concept of 'Confucianism' in traditional Chinese discourse". He argues that the Jesuit missionaries of the 16th century selected Confucius from many possible sages to serve as the counterpart to Christ or Muhammad in order to meet European religion categories. They used a variety of writings by Confucius and his followers to coin a new "-ism"—"Confucianism"—which they presented as a "rationalist secular-ethical code", not as a religion. This secular understanding of Confucianism inspired both the Enlightenment in Europe in the 18th century, and Chinese intellectuals of the 20th century. Liang Shuming, a philosopher of the May Fourth Movement, wrote that Confucianism "functioned as a religion without actually being one". Western scholarship generally accepted this understanding. In the decades following the Second World War, however, many Chinese intellectuals and academic scholars in the West, among whom Tu Weiming, reversed this assessment. Confucianism, for this new generation of scholars, became a "true religion" that offered "immanent transcendence".[232]

According to Herbert Fingarette's conceptualization of Confucianism as a religion which proposes "the secular as sacred",[233] Confucianism transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism. Confucians experience the sacred as existing in this world as part of everyday life, most importantly in family and social relations.[234] Confucianism focuses on a this worldly awareness of Tian ( "Heaven"),[235] the search for a middle way in order to preserve social harmony and on respect through teaching and a set of ritual practices.[236] Joël Thoraval finds that Confucianism expresses on a popular level in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth (Di ), the sovereign or the government (jūn ), ancestors (qīn ) and masters (shī ).[237] Confucians cultivate family bonds and social harmony rather than pursuing a transcendental salvation.[238] The scholar Joseph Adler concludes that Confucianism is not so much a religion in the Western sense, but rather "a non-theistic, diffused religious tradition", and that Tian is not so much a personal God but rather "an impersonal absolute, like dao and Brahman".[234]

Broadly speaking, however, scholars agree that Confucianism may be also defined as an ethico-political system, developed from the teachings of the philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE). Confucianism originated during the Spring and Autumn period and developed metaphysical and cosmological elements in the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE),[239] to match the developments in Buddhism and Taoism which were dominant among the populace. By the same period, Confucianism became the core idea of Chinese imperial politics. According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of the Shang-Zhou (~1600 BCE–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years.[240]

By the words of Tu Weiming and other Confucian scholars who recover the work of Kang Youwei (a Confucian reformer of the early 20th century), Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and Heaven, or, otherwise said, around the relationship between humanity and Heaven.[241] The principle of Heaven (Li or Dao) is the order of the creation and the source of divine authority, monistic in its structure.[241] Individuals may realize their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation of this order.[241] This transformation of the self may be extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community.[241] Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of spiritual cultivation, that is to say self-cultivation and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without".[241] As defined by Stephan Feuchtwang, Heaven is thought to have an ordering law which preserves the world, which has to be followed by humanity by means of a "middle way" between yin and yang forces; social harmony or morality is identified as patriarchy, which is the worship of ancestors and progenitors in the male line, in ancestral shrines.[164]

In Confucian thought, human beings are always teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal and communal endeavor of self-cultivation and self-creation. Some of the basic Confucian ethical and practical concepts include rén, , , and zhì. Ren is translated as "humaneness", or the essence proper of a human being, which is characterized by compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time what allows man to achieve oneness with Heaven—in the Datong shu it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ... compassion is aroused".[242] Yi is "righteousness", which consists in the ability to always maintain a moral disposition to do good things. Li is a system of ritual norms and propriety of behavior which determine how a person should act in everyday life. Zhi is the ability to see what is right and what is wrong, in the behavior exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in contempt when he fails to uphold the cardinal moral values of ren and yi.

Confucianism never developed an institutional structure similar to that of Taoism, and its religious body never differentiated from Chinese folk religion. Since the 2000s, Confucianism has been embraced as a religious identity by a large numbers of intellectuals and students in China.[243] In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people, a purpose achievable through a standardization and development of doctrines, rituals, organizations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organizations.[243] Another modern proponent of the institutionalization of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang Qing.[244]

In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established[243] and guoxue ("national learning") started to be implemented in public schools. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers started to appear on television since 2006.[243] The most enthusiast New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.[243]

The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei (1858–1927), an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism at a time when it fell out of favour with the fall of the Qing dynasty and the end of the Chinese empire.[245] Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralized institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches devoted to the worship of Confucius and the spread of his teachings.[245]

Eastern Han (25-220 AD) Chinese stone-carved que pillar gates of Dingfang, Zhong County, Chongqing that once belonged to a temple dedicated to the Warring States era general Ba Manzi.

In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院 or 孔学堂 Kǒngxuétáng, "Confucian learning halls"),[244] the resurgence of Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪),[244] and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shèqū rúxué 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as of cults and temples of natural gods and national heroes within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism.[246]

Other forms of revival are folk religious movements of salvation[247] with a Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (一耽学堂) of Beijing,[248] the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai,[249] Confucian Shenism (儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the phoenix churches,[250] the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) of northern Fujian,[250] and ancestral temples of the Kong (Confucius') lineage operating as churches for Confucian teaching.[249]

Also the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, the establishment of Confucian hospitals, the restoration of temples and other activities.[251] In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Sacred Hall of Confucius (孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City.[252][253] It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Church of Confucius (孔圣会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.

Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthoprax") led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual.[201] "Confucian businessmen" (儒商 rúshāng, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.[254]

Taoism

Priests of the Zhengyi order bowing while officiating a rite at the White Cloud Temple of Shanghai.
Altar of the Three Pure Ones, the main gods of Taoist theology, at the Wudang Taoist Temple in Yangzhou, Jiangsu.
Altar to Shangdi (上帝 "Highest Deity") and Doumu (斗母 "Mother of the Chariot"), representing the originating principle of the universe in masculine and feminine form in some Taoist cosmologies, in the Chengxu Temple of Zhouzhuang, Jiangsu.
Wen Chang, Chinese god of literature, carved in ivory, c. 1550–1644, Ming dynasty.

Taoism (道教 Dàojiào) (also romanised as Daoism in the current pinyin spelling) encompasses a variety of related orders of philosophy and rite in Chinese religion. They share elements that go back to the 4th century BCE and to the prehistoric culture of China, such as the School of Yin and Yang and the thought of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Taoism has a distinct scriptural tradition, with the Dàodéjīng (道德经 "Book of the Way and its Virtue") of Laozi being regarded as its keystone. Taoism may be described, as does the scholar and Taoist initiate Kristofer Schipper in The Taoist Body (1986), as a doctrinal and liturgical framework or structure for developing the local cults of indigenous religion.[198] Taoist traditions emphasize living in harmony with the Tao (also romanised as Dao). The term Tao means "way", "path" or "principle", and may also be found in Chinese philosophies and religions other than Taoism, including Confucian thought. In Taoism, however, Tao denotes the principle that is both the source and the pattern of development of everything that exists. It is ultimately ineffable: "The Tao that can be told is not the eternal Tao" says the first verse of the Tao Te Ching.[255] According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, the concept of Tao is equivalent to the ancient Greek concept of physis, "nature", that is the vision of the process of generation and regeneration of things and of the moral order.[164]

By the Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE) the various sources of Taoism coalesced into a coherent tradition of religious organizations and orders of ritualists. In earlier China, Taoists were thought of as hermits or ascetics who did not participate in political life. Zhuangzi was the best known of them, and it is significant that he lived in the south, where he was involved in local shamanic traditions.[256] Women shamans played an important role in this tradition, which was particularly strong in the state of Chu. Early Taoist movements developed their own institution in contrast to shamanism, but absorbing fundamental shamanic elements. Shamans revealed texts of Taoism from early times down to at least the 20th century.[257]

Taoist institutional orders evolved in strains that in recent times are conventionally grouped in two main branches: Quanzhen Taoism and Zhengyi Taoism.[258] Taoist schools traditionally feature reverence for Laozi, immortals or ancestors, along with a variety of rituals for divination and exorcism, and techniques for achieving ecstasy, longevity or immortality. Ethics and appropriate behavior may vary depending on the particular school, but in general all emphasize wu wei (effortless action), "naturalness", simplicity, spontaneity, and the Three Treasures: compassion, moderation, and humility.

Taoism has had profound influence on Chinese culture over the course of the centuries, and Taoists (Chinese: 道士; pinyin: dàoshi, "masters of the Tao") usually take care to mark the distinction between their ritual tradition and those of vernacular orders which are not recognised as Taoist.

Taoism was suppressed during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and early 1970s but its traditions endured in secrecy and revived in following decades. In 1956 a national organisation, the Chinese Taoist Association, was established to govern the activity of Taoist orders and temples. According to demographic analyses, approximately 13% of the population of China claims a loose affiliation with Taoist practices, while self-proclaimed "Taoists" (a title traditionally attributed only to the daoshi, i.e. the priests, who are experts of Taoist doctrines and rites, and to their closest disciples) might be 12 million (c. 1%).[93] The definition of "Taoist" is complicated by the fact that many folk sects of salvation and their members began to be registered as branches of the Taoist association in the 1990s.[226]

There are two types of Taoists, following the distinction between the Quanzhen and Zhengyi traditions.[258] Quanzhen daoshi are celibate monks, and therefore the Taoist temples of the Quanzhen school are monasteries.[258] Contrariwise, Zhengyi daoshi, also known as sanju daoshi ("scattered" or "diffused" Taoists) or huoju daoshi (Taoists "who live at home"), are priests who may marry and have other jobs besides the sacerdotal office; they live among the population and perform Taoist rituals within common Chinese religion, for local temples and communities.[258]

While the Chinese Taoist Association started as a Quanzhen institution, and remains based at the White Cloud Temple of Beijing, that also functions as the headquarters of the Quanzhen sects, from the 1990s onwards it started to open registration to the sanju daoshi of the Zhengyi branch, who are more numerous than the Quanzhen monks. The Chinese Taoist Association had already 20.000 registered sanju daoshi in the mid-1990s,[259] while the total number of Zhengyi priests including the unregistered ones was estimated at 200.000 in the same years.[260] The Zhengyi sanju daoshi are trained by other priests of the same sect, and historically received formal ordination by the Celestial Master,[258][261] although the 63rd Celestial Master Zhang Enpu fled to Taiwan in the 1940s during the Chinese Civil War. Taoism, both in registered and unregistered forms, has experienced a strong development since the 1990s, and dominates the religious life of coastal provinces.[258]

Vernacular ritual mastery traditions

Chinese vernacular ritual masters, also referred to as practitioners of Faism (法教 Fǎjiào, "rites/laws' traditions"),[262] also named Folk Taoism (民间道教 Mínjiàn Dàojiào), or "Red Taoism" (in southeast China and Taiwan), are orders of priests that operate within the Chinese folk religion but outside any institution of official Taoism.[261] Such "masters of rites", fashi (法師), are known by a variety of names including hongtou daoshi (紅頭道士), popular in southeast China, meaning "redhead" or "redhat" daoshi, in contradistinction to the wutou daoshi (烏頭道士), "blackhead" or "blackhat" daoshi, as vernacular Taoists call the sanju daoshi of Zhengyi Taoism that were traditionally ordained by the Celestial Master.[261] In some provinces of north China they are known as yīnyángshēng (阴阳生 "sages of yin and yang"),[118]: 86 [126] and by a variety of other names.

Although the two types of priests, daoshi and fashi, have the same roles in Chinese society—in that they may marry and they perform rituals for communities' temples or private homes—Zhengyi daoshi emphasise their Taoist tradition, distinguished from the vernacular tradition of the fashi.[261][263] Some Western scholars have described vernacular Taoist traditions as "cataphatic" (i.e. of positive theology) in character, while professional Taoism as "kenotic" and "apophatic" (i.e. of negative theology).[264]

Fashi are tongji practitioners (southern mediumship), healers, exorcists and they officiate jiao rituals of "universal salvation" (although historically they were excluded from performing such rites[261]). They are not shamans (wu), with the exception of the order of Mount Lu in Jiangxi.[265] Rather, they represent an intermediate level between the wu and the Taoists. Like the wu, the fashi identify with their deity, but while the wu embody wild forces, vernacular ritual masters represent order like the Taoists. Unlike the Taoists, who represent a tradition of high theology which is interethnic, both vernacular ritual masters and wu find their institutional base in local cults to particular deities, even though vernacular ritual masters are itinerant.[266]

Chinese shamanic traditions

A wu master of the Xiangxi area.

Shamanism was the prevalent modality of pre-Han dynasty Chinese indigenous religion.[267] The Chinese usage distinguishes the Chinese "Wuism" tradition (巫教 Wūjiào; properly shamanic, in which the practitioner has control over the force of the god and may travel to the underworld) from the tongji tradition (童乩; southern mediumship, in which the practitioner does not control the force of the god but is guided by it), and from non-Han Chinese Altaic shamanisms (萨满教 sàmǎnjiào) which are practiced in northern provinces.

With the rise of Confucian orthodoxy in the Han period (206 BCE – 220 CE), shamanic traditions found an institutionalized and intellectualized form within the esoteric philosophical discourse of Taoism.[267] According to Chirita (2014), Confucianism itself, with its emphasis on hierarchy and ancestral rituals, derived from the shamanic discourse of the Shang dynasty (c. 1600 BCE – 1046 BCE).[267] What Confucianism did was to marginalize the features of old shamanism which were dysfunctional for the new political regime.[267] However, shamanic traditions continued uninterrupted within the folk religion and found precise and functional forms within Taoism.[267]

In the Shang and later Zhou dynasty (c. 1046 BCE – 256 BCE), shamans had an important role in the political hierarchy, and were represented institutionally by the Ministry of Rites (大宗拍). The emperor was considered the supreme shaman, intermediating between the three realms of heaven, earth and humanity.[267] The mission of a shaman ( wu) is "to repair the dysfunctionalities occurred in nature and generated after the sky had been separated from earth":[267]

The female shamans called wu as well as the male shamans called xi represent the voice of spirits, repair the natural disfunctions, foretell the future based on dreams and the art of divination ... "a historical science of the future", whereas shamans are able to observe the yin and the yang ...[This quote needs a citation]

Since the 1980s the practice and study of shamanism has undergone a great revival in Chinese religion as a mean to repair the world to a harmonious whole after industrialization.[267] Shamanism is viewed by many scholars as the foundation for the emergence of civilisation, and the shaman as "teacher and spirit" of peoples.[268] The Chinese Society for Shamanic Studies was founded in Jilin City in 1988.[268]

Buddhism

Unwilling-to-Leave Guanyin Temple in Zhoushan, Zhejiang, is dedicated to Guanyin of the Mount Putuo, one of the Four Sacred Mountains of Chinese Buddhism.
The temple complex with the Ten Directions' Samantabhadra statue at the summit of Mount Emei, in Sichuan. Emei is another sacred mountain of Buddhism.
Gateway of the Donglin Temple of Shanghai.

In China, Buddhism (佛教 Fójiào) is represented by a large number of people following the Mahayana, divided between two different cultural traditions, namely the schools of Chinese Buddhism followed by the Han Chinese, and the schools of Tibetan Buddhism followed by Tibetans and Mongols, but also by minorities of Han. The vast majority of Buddhists in China, counted in the hundreds of millions, are Chinese Buddhists, while Tibetan Buddhists are in the number of the tens of millions. Small communities following the Theravada exist among minority ethnic groups who live in the southwestern provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi, bordering Myanmar, Thailand and Laos, but also some among the Li people of Hainan follow such tradition.

With the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, religion came under the control of the new government, and the Buddhist Association of China was founded in 1953. During the Cultural Revolution, Buddhism was suppressed and temples closed or destroyed. Restrictions lasted until the reforms of the 1980s, when Buddhism began to recover popularity and its place as the largest organised faith in the country. While estimates of the number of Buddhists in China vary, the most recent surveys found an average 10–16% of the population of China claiming a Buddhist affiliation, with even higher percentages in urban agglomerations.

Han Chinese Buddhism

First introduced to China during the Han dynasty and promoted by multiple emperors since then, Han or Chinese Buddhism is a Chinese form of Mahayana Buddhism which draws on the Chinese Buddhist canon[269] as well as numerous Chinese traditions. Chinese Buddhism focuses on studying Mahayana sutras and Mahāyāna treatises and draws its main doctrines from these sources. Some of the most important scriptures in Chinese Buddhism include: Lotus Sutra, Flower Ornament Sutra, Vimalakirtī Sutra, Nirvana Sutra, and Amitābha Sutra.[270] Chinese Buddhism is the largest institutionalized religion in mainland China.[271] Currently, there are an estimated 185 to 250 million Chinese Buddhists in the People's Republic of China.[271]

Tibetan Buddhism

Tibetan Buddhism evolved as a form of Mahayana Buddhism stemming from the later stages of Buddhism (which included many Vajrayana elements). It thus preserves many Nepali Buddhist and Indian Buddhist tantric practices of the post-Gupta early medieval period (500–1200 CE), along with numerous native Tibetan developments.[272][273] In the pre-modern era, Tibetan Buddhism spread outside of Tibet primarily due to the influence of the Mongol Yuan dynasty (1271–1368), founded by Kublai Khan, who ruled China, Mongolia, and parts of Siberia. In the modern era, practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism can be found in the Chinese autonomous regions of Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang, in addition to the areas around the Tibetan Plateau.

Theravada Buddhism

Theravada Buddhism is the oldest existing school of Buddhism, which is practiced mainly in the Yunnan region of China, by ethnic minorities such as the Tai-speaking Dai people. According to historical records, Theravada Buddhism was brought from Myanmar to Yunnan in the mid-7th century. At first, the classics were transmitted only by word of mouth. Around the 11th century, Buddhist sutras were introduced to Xishuangbanna through Burma. Currently, Theravada Buddhism in Yunnan can be divided into four schools: Run, Baozhuang, Duolie, and Zuozhi.[274]

Other forms of Buddhism

Besides Tibetan Buddhism and the Vajrayana streams found within Chinese Buddhism, Vajrayana Buddhism is practised in China in some other forms. For instance, Azhaliism (Chinese: 阿吒力教 Āzhālìjiào) is a Vajrayana Buddhist religion practised among the Bai people.[275] The Vajrayana current of Chinese Buddhism is known as Tangmi (唐密 "Tang Mysteries"), as it flourished in China during the Tang dynasty (618–907) just before the great suppression of Buddhism by imperial decision. Another name for this body of traditions is "Han Chinese Transmission of the Esoteric (or Mystery) Tradition" (汉传密宗 Hànchuán Mìzōng, where Mizong is the Chinese for Vajrayana). Tangmi, together with the broader religious tradition of Tantrism (in Chinese: 怛特罗 Dátèluō or 怛特罗密教 Dátèluó mìjiào; which may include Hindu forms of religion)[55]: 3  has undergone a revitalisation since the 1980s together with the overall revival of Buddhism.

Ethnic minorities' indigenous religions

Various Chinese non-Han minority populations practise unique indigenous religions. The government of China protects and valorises the indigenous religions of minority ethnicities as the foundations of their culture and identity.[276]

Benzhuism (Bai)

The pan-Chinese Sanxing (Three Star Gods) represented in Bai iconographic style at a Benzhu temple on Jinsuo Island, in Dali, Yunnan.

Benzhuism (本主教 Běnzhǔjiào, "religion of the patrons") is the indigenous religion of the Bai people, an ethnic group of Yunnan. It consists in the worship of the ngel zex, Bai word for "patrons" or "source lords", rendered as benzhu (本主) in Chinese. They are local gods and deified ancestors of the Bai nation. Benzhuism is very similar to Han Chinese religion.

Bimoism (Yi)

Bimoism (毕摩教 Bìmójiào) is the indigenous religion of the Yi people, the largest ethnic group in Yunnan after the Han Chinese. This faith is represented by three types of religious specialists: the bimo (毕摩, "ritual masters", "priests"), the sunyi (male shamans) and the monyi (female shamans).[277]

What distinguishes the bimo and the shamans is the way through which they acquire their authority.[278] While both are regarded as the "mediators between humanity and the divine", the shamans are initiated through a "spiritual inspiration" (which involves illness or vision)[278] whereas the bimo—who are always males with few exceptions[279]—are literates, who may read and write traditional Yi script, have a tradition of theological and ritual scriptures, and are initiated through a tough educational process.[280]

Since the 1980s, Bimoism has undergone a comprehensive revitalization,[277] both on the popular level and on the scholarly level,[277] with the bimo now celebrated as an "intellectual class"[281] whose role is that of creators, preservers and transmitters of Yi high culture.[282] Since the 1990s, Bimoism has undergone an institutionalization, starting with the foundation of the Bimo Culture Research Center in Meigu County in 1996.[283] The founding of the centre received substantial support from local authorities, especially those whose families were directly affiliated with one of the many bimo hereditary lineages.[283] Since then, large temples and ceremonial complexes for Bimoist practices have been built.

Bon (Tibetans)

The Narshi Gompa, a Bonpo monastery in Aba, Sichuan.

"Bon" (Tibetan: བོན་; Chinese: 苯教 Běnjiào) is the post-Buddhist name of the pre-Buddhist folk religion of Tibet.[284] Buddhism spread into Tibet starting in the 7th and 8th century,[285] and the name "Bon" was adopted as the name of the indigenous religion in Buddhist historiography.[284] Originally, bon was the title of the shamans of the Tibetan indigenous religion.[284] This is in analogy with the names of the priests of the folk religions of other peoples related to the Tibetans,[286] such as the dong ba of the Nakhi or the of Mongolians and other Siberian peoples.[287] Bonpo ("believers of Bon") claim that the word bon means "truth" and "reality".[284]

The spiritual source of Bon is the mythical figure of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche.[285] Since the late 10th century, the religion then designated as "Bon" started to organise itself adopting the style of Tibetan Buddhism, including a monastic structure and a Bon Canon (Kangyur), which made it a codified religion.[285] The Chinese sage Confucius is worshipped in Bon as a holy king, master of magic and divination.[288]

Dongbaism (Nakhi)

Dongba priest writing oracles with calam in Dongba script, at a Dongba temple near Lijiang

Dongbaism (東巴教 Dōngbajiào, "religion of the eastern Ba") is the main religion of the Nakhi people. The "dongba" ("eastern ba") are masters of the culture, literature and the script of the Nakhi. They originated as masters of the Tibetan Bon religion ("Ba" in Nakhi language), many of whom, in times of persecution when Buddhism became the dominant religion in Tibet, were expelled and dispersed to the eastern marches settling among Nakhi and other eastern peoples.[289]: 63 

Dongbaism historically formed as beliefs brought by Bon masters commingled with older indigenous Nakhi beliefs. Dongba followers believe in a celestial shaman called Shi-lo-mi-wu, with little doubt the same as the Tibetan Shenrab Miwo.[289]: 63  They worship nature and generation, in the form of many heavenly gods and spirits, chthonic Shu (spirits of the earth represented in the form of chimera-dragon-serpent beings), and ancestors.[289]: 86 

Manchu folk religion

Manchu folk religion is the ethnic religion practised by most of the Manchu people, the major of the Tungusic peoples, in China. It may also be called "Manchu Shamanism" (满族萨满教 Mǎnzú sàmǎnjiào) by virtue of the word "shaman" being originally from Tungusic šamán ("man of knowledge"),[290]: 235  later applied by Western scholars to similar religious practices in other cultures.

It is a pantheistic system, believing in a universal God called Apka Enduri ("God of Heaven") that is the omnipotent and omnipresent source of all life and creation.[291] Deities (enduri) enliven every aspect of nature, and the worship of these gods is believed to bring favour, health and prosperity.[290]: 236  Many of the deities are original Manchu kins' ancestors, and people with the same surname are viewed as being generated by the same god.[292]

Miao folk religion

Most Miao people in China have retained their traditional folk religion. It is pantheistic and deeply influenced by Chinese religion, sharing the concept of yin and yang representing, respectively, the realm of the gods in potentiality and the manifested or actual world of living things as a complementary duality.[293]: 59 

The Miao believe in a supreme universal God, Saub, who may be defined a deus otiosus who created reality and left it to develop according to its ways, but nonetheless may be appealed in times of need. He entrusted a human, Siv Yis, with healing powers so that he became the first shaman.[293]: 60  After his death, Siv Yis ascended to heaven, but he left behind his ritual tools that became the equipment of the shaman class. They (txiv neeb) regard Siv Yis as their archetype and identify as him when they are imbued by the gods.[293]: 60–61 

Various gods (dab or neeb, the latter defining those who work with shamans) enliven the world. Among them, the most revered are the water god Dragon King (Zaj Laug), the Thunder God (Xob), the gods of life and death (Ntxwj Nyug and Nyuj Vaj Tuam Teem), Lady Sun (Nkauj Hnub) and Lord Moon (Nraug Hli), and various deified human ancestors.[293]: 60–62 

Mongolian folk religion

Temple of the White Sulde of Genghis Khan in the town of Uxin in Inner Mongolia, in the Ordos Desert. The worship of Genghis is shared by Chinese and Mongolian folk religion.
A woman worships at an aobao in Baotou, Inner Mongolia

Mongolian folk religion, alternatively named Tengerism (腾格里教 Ténggélǐjiào),[294] is the native and major religion among the Mongols of China, mostly residing in the region of Inner Mongolia.

It is centered on the worship of gods called tngri, and the Qormusta Tengri, the highest such deity. In Mongolian folk religion, Genghis Khan is considered one of the embodiments, if not the most important, of the Tenger.[295]: 402–404  In worship, communities of lay believers are led by shamans (called böge if males, iduγan if females), who are intermediaries of the divine.

Since the 1980s there has been an unprecedented development of Mongolian folk religion in Inner Mongolia, including böge, the cult of Genghis Khan and the Heaven in special temples, many of which built to resemble yurts,[296] and the cult of aobao as ancestral shrines. Han Chinese of Inner Mongolia have easily assimilated into the spiritual heritage of the region.[297] The cult of Genghis is also shared by the Han, claiming his spirit as the founding principle of the Yuan dynasty.[295]: 23 

敖包; áobāo are sacrificial altars of the shape of axis mundi that are traditionally used for worship by Mongols and related ethnic groups.[298] Every aobao represents a god; there are aobaoes dedicated to heavenly gods, mountain gods, other gods of nature, and also to gods of human lineages and agglomerations.

The aobaoes for worship of ancestral gods may be private shrines of an extended family or kin, otherwise they are common to villages, banners or leagues. Sacrifices to the aobaoes are made offering slaughtered animals, joss sticks, and libations.[298]

Qiang folk religion

Silver Turtle Temple (银龟神庙 Yínguīshénmiào) is a major centre of Qiang folk religion on Qiangshan, in Mao, Ngawa, Sichuan.[note 14]

Qiang people are mostly followers of a native Qiang folk religion.[299]: 14  It is pantheistic, involving the worship of a variety of gods of nature and of human affairs, including Qiang progenitors. White stones are worshipped as it is believed that they may be invested with the power of the gods through rituals.[299]: 14  Qiang people believe in an overarching God, called Mubyasei ("God of Heaven"), which is related with the Chinese concept of Tian and clearly identified by the Qiang with the Taoist-originated Jade Deity.[300]: 140–144 

Religious ceremonies and rituals are directed by priests called duāngōng in Chinese. They are shamans who acquire their position through years of training with a teacher. Duāngōng are the custodians of Qiang theology, history and mythology. They also administer the coming of age ceremony for 18 years-old boys, called the "sitting on top of the mountain", which involves the boy's entire family going to mountain tops, to sacrifice a sheep or cow and to plant three cypress trees.[299]: 14–15 

Two of the most important religious holidays are the Qiang New Year, falling on the 24th day of the sixth month of the lunar calendar (though now it is fixed on 1 October), and the Mountain Sacrifice Festival, held between the second and the sixth month of the lunar calendar. The former festival is to worship the God of Heaven, while the latter is dedicated to the god of mountains.[299]: 14 

Yao folk religion

The Yao people, who reside in and around Guangxi and Hunan, follow a folk religion that is deeply integrated with Taoism since the 13th century, so much that it is frequently defined as "Yao Taoism".[301] Yao folk religion was described by a Chinese scholar of the half of the 20th century as an example of deep "Taoisation" (道教化 Dàojiàohuà). In the 1980s it was found that the Yao clearly identified themselves with Chinese-language Taoist theological literature, seen as a prestigious statute of culture.[302]: 290 

The reason of such strong identification of Yao religion with Taoism is that in Yao society every male adult is initiated as a Taoist. Yao Taoism is therefore a communal religion, not identifying just a class of priests but the entire body of the society; this contrasts with Chinese Taoism, which mostly developed as a collection of sacerdotal orders. The shared sense of Yao identity is further based on tracing back Yao origins to a mythical ancestor, Panhu.[302]: 48–49 

Zhuang folk religion

Zhuang folk religion, sometimes called Moism (摩教; Mójiào) or Shigongism (师公教; Shīgōngjiào; 'religion of the ancestral father'), after two of its forms, is practised by most of the Zhuang people, the largest ethnic minority of China, who live mainly throughout Guangxi.[303] It is polytheistic, monistic, and shamanic, centred on a creator god, usually expressed as the mythical Buluotuo, progenitor of the Zhuang. Beliefs are codified into mythology and the sacred he "Buluotuo Epic" scripture. A similar religion by the same name is practised by the Buyei people, who are related to the Zhuang. ince the 1980s, there has been a revival of Zhuang folk religion, which has followed two directions. The first is a grass-roots revival of cults dedicated to local deities and ancestors, led by shamans; the second way is a promotion of the religion on the institutional level, through a standardisation of Moism elaborated by Zhuang government officials and intellectuals.[304]

Zhuang religion is intertwined with Taoism.[305] Chinese scholars divide the Zhuang religion into several categories including Shigongism, Moism, Daogongism, and shamanism, according to the type of specialists conducting the rites.[306] "Shigongism" refers to the dimension led by the shigong (师公) ritual specialists, variously translated as 'ancestral father' or 'teaching master', and which refers both to the principle of the Universe and to men able to represent it. Shigong specialists dance in masks and worship the Three Primordials: the generals Tang, Ge and Zhou.[306] "Moism" refers to the dimension led by mogong (摩公), vernacular ritual specialists able to transcribe and read texts written in Zhuang characters and lead the worship of Buluotuo and the goddess Muliujia.[307] "Daogongism" is Zhuang Taoism, the indigenous religion of Zhuang Taoists, known as daogong (道公 'lords of the Tao') in Zhuang.[308] Zhuang shamanism entails the practices of mediums who provide direct communication between the material and the spiritual worlds; these shamans are known as momoed if female and gemoed if male.[308]

Abrahamic religions

Christianity

A Protestant church in Kunming, Yunnan
Christ the King Church, a Catholic church in Shenzhen, Guangdong
The Lord's Prayer in Classical Chinese (1889).
Saint Sophia Cathedral (Russian Orthodox) in Harbin, Heilongjiang

Christianity (基督教 Jīdūjiào, "Religion of Christ") in China comprises Roman Catholicism (天主教 Tiānzhǔjiào, "Religion of the Lord of Heaven"), Protestantism (基督教新教 Jīdūjiào Xīnjiào, "New-Christianity"), and a small number of Orthodox Christians (正教 Zhèngjiào). Mormonism (摩门教 Móménjiào) also has a tiny presence.[309] The Orthodox Church, which has believers among the Russian minority and some Chinese in the far northeast and far northwest, is officially recognized in Heilongjiang.[310] The category of "Protestantism" in China also comprehends a variety of heterodox sects of Christian inspiration, including Zhushenism (主神教 Zhǔshénjiào, "Church of Lord God"), Linglingism (灵灵教 Línglíngjiào, "Numinous Church"), Fuhuodao, the Church of the Disciples (门徒会 Méntúhuì) and Eastern Lightning or the Church of Almighty God (全能神教 Quánnéngshénjiào).[311]

Christianity existed in China as early as the 7th century, living multiple cycles of significant presence for centuries, then disappearing for other centuries, and then being re-introduced by foreign missionaries. The arrival of the Persian missionary Alopen in 635, during the early period of the Tang dynasty, is considered by some to be the first entry of Christianity in China. What Westerners referred to as Nestorianism flourished for centuries, until Emperor Wuzong of the Tang in 845 ordained that all foreign religions (Buddhism, Christianity and Zoroastrianism) had to be eradicated from the Chinese nation. Christianity was reintroduced in China in the 13th century, in the form of Nestorianism, during the Mongol Yuan dynasty, which also established relations with the papacy, especially through Franciscan missionaries in 1294. When the native Han Chinese Ming dynasty overthrew the Yuan dynasty in the 14th century, Christianity was again expelled from China as a foreign influence.

At the end of the Ming dynasty in the 16th century, Jesuits arrived in Beijing via Guangzhou. The most famous amongst them was Matteo Ricci, an Italian mathematician who came to China in 1588 and lived in Beijing. Ricci was welcomed at the imperial court and introduced Western learning into China. The Jesuits followed a policy of adaptation of Catholicism to traditional Chinese religious practices, especially ancestor worship. However, such practices were eventually condemned as polytheistic idolatry by the popes Clement XI, Clement XII and Benedict XIV. Roman Catholic missions struggled in obscurity for decades afterwards.

Christianity began to take root in a significant way in the late imperial period, during the Qing dynasty, and although it has remained a minority religion in China, it influenced late imperial history. Waves of missionaries came to China in the Qing period as a result of contact with foreign powers. Russian Orthodoxy was introduced in 1715, and Protestant missions began entering China in 1807. The pace of missionary activity increased considerably after the First Opium War in 1842. Christian missionaries and their schools, under the protection of the Western powers, went on to play a major role in the Westernisation of China in the 19th and 20th centuries.

The Taiping Rebellion (1850–1871) was influenced to some degree by Christian teachings, and the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901) was in part a reaction against Christianity in China. Christians in China established the first clinics and hospitals practising modern medicine,[312] and provided the first modern training for nurses. Both Roman Catholics and Protestants founded numerous educational institutions in China from the primary to the university level. Some of the most prominent Chinese universities began as religious institutions. Missionaries worked to abolish practices such as foot binding,[313] and the unjust treatment of maidservants, as well as launching charitable work and distributing food to the poor. They also opposed the opium trade[314] and brought treatment to many who were addicted. Some of the early leaders of the early republic (1912–49), such as Sun Yat-sen, were converts to Christianity and were influenced by its teachings. By 1921, Harbin, the northeast's largest city, had a Russian population of around 100,000, constituting a large part of Christianity in the city.[315]

Christianity, especially in its Protestant form, gained momentum in China between the 1980s and the 1990s, but, in the following years, folk religion recovered more rapidly and in greater numbers than Christianity (or Buddhism).[316] The scholar Richard Madsen noted that "the Christian God then becomes one in a pantheon of local gods among whom the rural population divides its loyalties".[317] Similarly, Gai Ronghua and Gao Junhui noted that "Christianity in China is no longer monotheism" and tends to blend with Chinese folk religion, as many Chinese Christians take part in regional activities for the worship of gods and ancestors.[137]: 816 

Protestants in the early 21st century, including both official and unofficial churches, had between 25 and 35 million adherents. Catholics were not more than 10 million.[318][319] In the 2010s the scholarly estimate was of approximately 30 million Christians, of whom fewer than 4 million were Catholics. In the same years, about 40 million Chinese said they believed in Jesus Christ or had attended Christian meetings, but did not identify themselves with the Christian religion.[320] Demographic analyses usually find an average 2–3% of the population of China declaring a Christian affiliation. According to the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, before 1949, there were approximately 4 million Christians (3 million Catholics and 1 million Protestants), and by 2010, China had roughly 67 million Christians, representing about 5% of the country's total population.[321][322] Christians were unevenly distributed geographically, the only provinces in which they constituted a population significantly larger than 1 million persons being Henan, Anhui and Zhejiang. Protestants were characterized by a prevalence of people living in the countryside, women, illiterates and semi-literates, and elderly people.[100] While according to the Yu Tao survey the Catholic population were characterized by a prevalence of men, wealthier, better educated, and young people.[100] A 2017 study on the Christian community of Wuhan found the same socio-economic characteristics, with the addition that Christians were more likely than the general population to suffer from physical and mental illness.[101] In 2018, the government published a report saying that there are over 44 million Christians (38M Protestants; 6M Catholics) in China.[323]

A significant number of members of churches unregistered with the government, and of their pastors, belong to the Koreans of China.[324] Christianity has a strong presence in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, in Jilin.[325]: 29–31  Yanbian Koreans' Christianity has a patriarchal character; Korean churches are usually led by men, in contrast to Chinese churches that most often have female leadership. For instance, of the twenty-eight registered churches of Yanji, only three of which are Chinese congregations, all the Korean churches have a male pastor while all the Chinese churches have a female pastor.[325]: 33  Also, Korean church buildings are stylistically very similar to South Korean churches, with big spires surmounted by red crosses.[325]: 33  Yanbian Korean churches have been a matter of controversy for the Chinese government because of their links to South Korean churches.[325]: 37 

According to a report by the Singapore Management University, from the 1980s onwards, more people in China and other Asian countries have converted to Christianity, and these new converts are mostly "upwardly mobile, urban, middle-class Chinese".[326] According to the Council on Foreign Relations the "number of Chinese Protestants has grown by an average of 10 percent annually since 1979".[327] According to The Economist, "Protestant Christianity is booming in China".[328] If the current trend continues, China will have the largest Christian population in the world as some have estimated.[329]

In recent decades the CCP has remained intolerant of Christian churches outside party control,[330] looking with distrust on organizations with international ties. The government and Chinese intellectuals tend to associate Christianity with subversive Western values, and many churches have been closed or destroyed. In addition, Western and Korean missionaries are being expelled.[331] Since the 2010s policies against Christianity have been extended also to Hong Kong.[332]

In September 2018, the Holy See and the Chinese government signed the 2018 Holy See-China Agreement, a historic agreement concerning the appointment of bishops in China. The Vatican spokesman Greg Burke described the agreement as "not political but pastoral, allowing the faithful to have bishops who are in communion with Rome but at the same time recognized by Chinese authorities".[333][334]

As of 2023, there are approximately 44 million Chinese Christians registered with government-approved Christian groups.[196]: 51 

Islam

Laohua Mosque in Linxia City, Gansu
The gongbei (shrine) of the Sufi master Yu Baba in Linxia City, Gansu
Huxi Mosque and halal shop in Shanghai

The introduction of Islam (伊斯兰教 Yīsīlánjiào or 回教 Huíjiào) in China is traditionally dated back to a diplomatic mission in 651, eighteen years after Muhammad's death, led by Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas. Emperor Gaozong is said to have shown esteem for Islam and to have founded the Huaisheng Mosque (Memorial Mosque) at Guangzhou, in memory of the Prophet himself.[335]

Muslims, mainly Arabs, travelled to China to trade. In the year 760, the Yangzhou massacre killed large numbers of these traders, and a century later, in the years 878–879, Chinese rebels fatally targeted the Arab community in the Guangzhou massacre. Yet, Muslims virtually came to dominate the import and export industry by the Song dynasty (960–1279). The office of Director General of Shipping was consistently held by a Muslim. Immigration increased during the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368), when hundreds of thousands of Muslims were relocated throughout China for their administrative skills. A Muslim, Yeheidie'erding, led the construction project of the Yuan capital of Khanbaliq, in present-day Beijing.[336]

During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), Muslims continued to have an influence among the high classes. Hongwu Emperor's most trusted generals were Muslim, including Lan Yu, who led a decisive victory over the Mongols, effectively ending the Mongol dream to re-conquer China. The admiral Zheng He led seven expeditions to the Indian Ocean. The Hongwu Emperor even composed The Hundred-word Eulogy in praise of Muhammad. Muslims who were descended from earlier immigrants began to assimilate by speaking Chinese dialects and by adopting Chinese names and culture, mixing with the Han Chinese. They developed their own cuisine, architecture, martial arts' styles and calligraphy (sini). This era, sometimes considered a Golden Age of Islam in China, also saw Nanjing become an important center of Islamic study.

The rise of the Qing dynasty saw numerous Islamic rebellions, including the Panthay Rebellion which occurred in Yunnan from 1855 to 1873, and the Dungan Revolt, which occurred mostly in Xinjiang, Shaanxi and Gansu from 1862 to 1877. The Manchu government ordered the execution of all rebels, killing a million Muslims after the Panthay Rebellion,[336] and several million after the Dungan Revolt.[336] However, many Muslims like Ma Zhan'ao, Ma Anliang, Dong Fuxiang, Ma Qianling and Ma Julung, defected to the Qing dynasty side and helped the Qing general Zuo Zongtang to exterminate the rebels. These Muslim generals belonged to the Khufiyya sect, while rebels belonged to the Jahariyya sect. In 1895, another Dungan Revolt (1895–96) broke out, and loyalist Muslims like Dong Fuxiang, Ma Anliang, Ma Guoliang, Ma Fulu, and Ma Fuxiang massacred the rebel Muslims led by Ma Dahan, Ma Yonglin, and Ma Wanfu. A few years later, an Islamic army called the Kansu Braves, led by the general Dong Fuxiang, fought for the Qing dynasty against the foreigners during the Boxer Rebellion.

After the fall of the Qing, Sun Yat-sen proclaimed that the country belonged equally to the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Tibetan and Hui peoples. In the 1920s, the provinces of Qinghai, Gansu and Ningxia came under the control of Muslim warlords known as the Ma clique, who served as generals in the National Revolutionary Army. During the Cultural Revolution, mosques were often defaced, closed or demolished, and copies of the Quran were destroyed by the Red Guards.[337]

After the 1980s Islam experienced a renewal in China, with an upsurge in Islamic expression and the establishment Islamic associations aimed to coordinate inter-ethnic activities among Muslims. Muslims are found in every province of China, but they constitute a majority only in Xinjiang, and a large amount of the population in Ningxia and Qinghai. Of China's recognised ethnic minorities, ten groups are traditionally Islamic. Accurate statistics on China's Muslim population are hard to find; various surveys found that they constitute 1–2% of the Chinese population, or between 10 and 20 million people. In the 2010s they were served by 35,000 to 45,000 mosques, 40,000 to 50,000 imams (ahong), and 10 Quranic institutions.[93]

Judaism

Synagogue of Harbin, Heilongjiang.
Shanghai Jewish Refugees Museum with former synagogue.

Judaism (犹太教 Yóutàijiào) was introduced during the Tang dynasty (618–907) or earlier, by small groups of Jews settled in China. The most prominent early community were the so-called Kaifeng Jews, in Kaifeng, Henan province. In the 20th century many Jews arrived in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Harbin, during a period of great economic development of these cities. Many of them sought refuge from anti-Semitic pogroms in the Russian Empire (early 1900s), the communist revolution and civil war in Russia (1917–1918), and anti-Semitic Nazi policy in central Europe, chiefly in Germany and Austria (1937–1940). The last wave of Jewish refugees came from Poland and other eastern European countries in the early 1940s.[338]

Shanghai was particularly notable for its numerous Jewish refugees, who gathered in the so-called Shanghai Ghetto. Most of them left China after the war, the rest relocating prior to, or immediately after, the establishment of the People's Republic. Today, the Kaifeng Jewish community is functionally extinct. Many descendants of the Kaifeng community still live among the Chinese population, mostly unaware of their Jewish ancestry, while some have moved to Israel. Meanwhile, remnants of the later arrivals maintain communities in Shanghai and Hong Kong. In recent years a community has also developed in Beijing through the work of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement.

Since the late 20th century, along with the study of religion in general, the study of Judaism and Jews in China as an academic subject has blossomed with the establishment of institutions such as Diane and Guilford Glazer Institute of Jewish Studies and the China Judaic Studies Association.[339]

Baháʼí Faith

The Baháʼí Faith (巴哈伊信仰 Bāhāyī xìnyǎng, 巴哈伊教 Bāhāyījiào, or, in old translations, 大同教 Dàtóngjiào) has had a presence in China[309] since the 19th century.

Other religions

Hinduism

Relief of the Hindu god Narasimha shown at the museum of Quanzhou.

Hinduism (印度教 Yìndùjiào) entered China around the same time as Buddhism, generally imported by Indian merchants, from different routes. One of them was the "Silk Route by Sea" that started from the Coromandel Coast in southeast India and reached Southeast Asia and then southeastern Chinese cities; another route was that from the ancient kingdom of Kamrupa, through upper Burma, reaching Yunnan; a third route is the well-known Silk Route reaching northwest China, which was the main route through which Buddhism spread into China. Archeological remains of Hindu temples and typical Hindu icons have been found in coastal cities of China and in Dali, Yunnan.[340]: 125–127  It is recorded that in 758 there were three Hindu temples in Guangzhou, with resident Hindus, and Hindu temples in Quanzhou.[340]: 136–137  Remains of Hindu temples have also been discovered in Xinjiang, and they are of an earlier date than those in southeast China.[340]: 135 

Hindu texts were translated into Chinese, including a large number of Indian Tantric texts and the Vedas, which are known in Chinese as the Minglun or Zhilun, or through phonetic transliteration as the Weituo, Feituo or Pituo.[340]: 127  Various Chinese Buddhist monks dedicated themselves to the study of Hindu scriptures, thought and practice.[340]: 128–129  In the Sui (581–618) and later Tang dynasty (618–907), Hindu texts translated into Chinese included the Śulvasūtra, the Śulvaśāstra and the Prescriptions of Brahmin Rishis. The Tibetans contributed with the translation into Chinese of the Pāṇinisūtra and the Rāmāyaṇa.[340]: 134 

In the 7th century there was an intellectual exchange between Taoists and Shaktas in India, with the translation of the Daodejing in Sanskrit. Some breathing techniques practised in Shaktism are known as Cīnācāra ("Chinese Practice"), and the Shakta tantras that discuss them trace their origin to Taoism. Two of these tantras report that the Shakta master Vaśiṣṭha paid visit to China specifically with the purpose of learning Cīnācāra from the Taoists.[340]: 133–134  According to the Tamil text Śaivāgama of Pashupata Shaivism, two of the eighteen siddha of southern Shaktism, Bogar and Pulipani, were ethnically Chinese.[340]: 133–134  Shaktism itself was practised in China in the Tang period.[340]: 135 

The effect of Hinduism in China is also evident in various gods, originally of Hindu origin, which have been absorbed into the Chinese folk religion. A glaring example is the god Hanuman, who gave rise to the Chinese god Hóuwáng (猴王 "Monkey King"), known as Sun Wukong in the Journey to the West.[340]: 135  In the last decades there has been a growth of modern, transnational forms of Hinduism in China: Yogic ("Yoga" is rendered as 瑜伽 Yújiā, literally the "Jade Maiden"), Tantric,[55]: 3  and Krishnaite groups (the Bhagavad Gita has been recently translated and published in China) have appeared in many urban centres including Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu, Shenzhen, Wuhan and Harbin.[341]

Manichaeism

The Awakened One of Light (Mani) carved from the living rock at Cao'an, in Jinjiang, Fujian.
A Manichaean inscription, dated 1445, at Cao'an (modern replica).[342]

Manichaeism (摩尼教 Móníjiào or 明教 Míngjiào, "bright transmission") was introduced in China together with Christianity in the 7th century, by land from Central Asia and by sea through south-eastern ports.[9]: 127  Based on Gnostic teachings and able to adapt to different cultural contexts, the Manichaean religion spread rapidly both westward to the Roman Empire and eastward to China. Historical sources speak of the religion being introduced in China in 694, though this may have happened much earlier.[343] Manichaeans in China at the time held that their religion was first brought to China by Mōzak under Emperor Gaozong of Tang (650–83). Later, the Manichaean bishop Mihr-Ohrmazd, who was Mōzak's pupil, also came to China, where he was granted an audience by empress Wu Zetian (684–704), and according to later Buddhist sources he presented at the throne the Erzongjing ("Text of the Two Principles") that became the most popular Manichaean scripture in China.[344]

Manichaeism had a bad reputation among Tang dynasty authorities, who regarded it as an erroneous form of Buddhism. However, as a religion of the Western peoples (Bactrians, Sogdians) it was not outlawed, provided that it remained confined to them not spreading among Chinese. In 731 a Manichaean priest was asked by the current Chinese emperor to make a summary of Manichaean religious doctrines, so that he wrote the Compendium of the Teachings of Mani, the Awakened One of Light, rediscovered at Dunhuang by Aurel Stein (1862–1943); in this text Mani is interpreted as an incarnation of Laozi.[344] As time went on, Manichaeism conflicted with Buddhism but appears to have had good relations with the Taoists; an 8th-century version of the Huahujing, a Taoist work polemical towards Buddhism, holds the same view of the Manichaean Compendium, presenting Mani as Laozi's reincarnation among the Western barbarians.[345]

In the early 8th century, Manichaeism became the official religion of the Uyghur Khaganate. As Uyghurs were traditional allies of the Chinese, also supporting the Tang during the An Lushan Rebellion at the half of the century, the Tangs' attitude towards the religion relaxed and under the Uyghur Khaganate's patronage Manichaean churches prospered in Nanjing, Yangzhou, Jingzhou, Shaoxing and other places. When the Uyghur Khaganate was defeated by the Kyrgyz in 840, Manichaeism's fortune vanished as anti-foreign sentiment arose among the Chinese. Manichaean properties were confiscated, the temples were destroyed, the scriptures were burnt and the clergy was laicised, or killed, as was the case of seventy nuns who were executed at the Tang capital Chang'an.[345] In the same years all foreign religions were suppressed under Emperor Wuzong of Tang (840–846).

The religion never recovered from the persecutions, but it has persisted as a distinct syncretic, and underground movement at particularly in southeastern China. Manichaean sects historically have been known for resurfacing from their hiding from time to time, supporting peasant rebellions.[345] The Song dynasty (960–1279) continued to suppress Manichaeism as a subversive cult.[346] In 1120, a rebellion led by Fang La was believed to have been caused by Manichaeans, and widespread crackdown of unauthorised religious assemblies took place.[344] During the subsequent Mongol Yuan dynasty (1271–1368), foreign religions were generally granted freedom,[344] but the following Ming dynasty (1368–1644) renewed discriminations against them.[344] Despite this, small Manichaean communities are still active in modern China.[347] Manichaeism is thought to have exerted a strong influence on some of the currents of popular sects, such as that which gave rise to Xiantiandao.

Zoroastrianism

Xianshenlou (祆神楼 in Jiexiu, Shanxi, considered the sole surviving building with Zoroastrian origins in China
An 8th-century Tang dynasty clay figurine of who was possibly a Sogdian Zoroastrian priest.[note 15]

Zoroastrianism (琐罗亚斯德教 Suǒluōyàsīdéjiào or 祆教 Xiānjiào, "Heaven worship teaching"; also named 波斯教 Bōsījiào, "Persian teaching"; also 拜火教 Bàihuǒjiào, "fire-worshippers' transmission"; also 白頭教 Báitóujiào, "old age teaching")[349][350]: 149  was first introduced in northern China in the 4th century, or even earlier, by the Sogdians, and it developed through three stages.[350]: 148–149  Some scholars provide evidences that would attest the existence of Zoroastrianism, or broader Iranian religion, in China, as early as the 2nd and 1st century BCE. Worship of Mithra was indeed performed at the court of Emperor Wu of Han (157-87 BCE).[350]: 149 

The first phase of Zoroastrianism in China started in the Wei and Jin dynasties of the Northern and Southern dynasties' period (220–589), when Sogdian Zoroastrians advanced into China. They did not proselytise among Chinese, and from this period there are only two known fragments of Zoroastrian literature, both in Sogdian language. One of them is a translation of the Ashem Vohu recovered by Aurel Stein in Dunhuang and now preserved at the British Museum. The Tang dynasty (618–907) prohibited Chinese people to profess Zoroastrianism, so it remained primarily a religion of foreign residents. Before the An Lushan Rebellion (756–763), Sogdians and Chinese lived as segregated ethnic groups; however, after the rebellion intermarriage became common and the Sogdians were gradually assimilated by the Chinese.[350]: 150 

In addition to the Sogdian Zoroastrians, after the fall of the Sasanid dynasty (651), through the 7th and 8th centuries Iranian Zoroastrians, including aristocrats and magi,[350]: 151  migrated to northern China.[350]: 148  Fleeing the Islamisation of Iran, they settled in the cities of Chang'an, Luoyang, Kaifeng, Yangzhou, Taiyuan and elsewhere.[349] In the Tang period it is attested that there were at least twenty-nine Zoroastrian fire temples in northern urban centres.[350]: 150  During the great purge of foreign religions under Emperor Wuzong of Tang also Zoroastrianism was target of suppression.

The second phase of Zoroastrianism in China was in the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (907–960), and saw the development of an indigenous Chinese Zoroastrianism that lasted until modern times. During this period, the gods of Sogdian Zoroastrianism were assimilated into the Chinese folk religion; Zoroastrian currents of the Chinese folk religion were increasingly practised by the Chinese and survived until the 1940s.[350]: 149  Chinese Zoroastrian temples were witnessed to be active in Hanyang, Hubei until those years.[350]: 153 

The third phase started in the 18th century when Parsi merchants sailed from Mumbai to Macau, Hong Kong and Guangzhou. Parsi cemeteries and fire temples were built in these coastal cities, in east China. The Parsis were expelled when the CCP rose to power in 1949.[350]: 149  A Parsi fire temple was built in Shanghai in 1866, and was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.[350]: 154  Starting in the 1980s there has been a new wave of Parsis settling in China.[350]: 155 

In Classical Chinese, Zoroastrianism was first referred to as 胡天 Hútiān, which in the Wei-Jin period became the appellation of all northern nomads. In the early Tang, a new character was invented specifically for Zoroastrianism, xiān, meaning the "worship of Heaven". Curiously, in the Far East the Zoroastrians were regarded as "Heaven worshippers" rather than "fire worshippers" (in Japanese the name of the religion is Kenkyō, the same as in Chinese). At the time it was rare for the Chinese to create a character for a foreign religion, and this is an evidence of the effect of Zoroastrians in Tang Chinese society.[350]: 149 

Japanese Shinto

Shinto shrine of Jilin city, Jilin province.

Between 1931 and 1945, with the establishment of the Japanese-controlled Manchukuo ("Manchu Country") in northeast China (Manchuria), many shrines of State Shinto (神社, Chinese: shénshè, Japanese: jinja) were established in the area.

They were part of the project of cultural assimilation of Manchuria into Japan, or Japanisation, the same policy that was being applied to Taiwan. With the end of the Second World War and of the Manchu Country (Manchukuo) in 1945, and the return of Manchuria to China under the Kuomintang, Shinto was abolished and the shrines were destroyed.

During Japanese rule also many Japanese new religions, or independent Shinto sects, proselytised in Manchuria establishing hundreds of congregations. Most of the missions belonged to the Omoto teaching, the Tenri teaching and the Konko teaching of Shinto.[351]

Irreligion and antireligious persecution

Presently, the PRC government officially promotes atheism,[4] and has engaged in antireligious campaigns.[8] Many churches, temples and mosques were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, which also criminalized the possession of religious texts.[352] Monks were also beaten or killed.[353] As such, China has the most atheists in the world.[354]

China has a history of schools of thought not relying upon conceptions of an absolute, or putting absolutes into question.[clarification needed] Mark Juergensmeyer observes that Confucianism itself is primarily pragmatic and humanist, in it the "thisworldliness" being the priority.[355] Given the differences between Western and Chinese concepts of "religion", Hu Shih stated in the 1920s what has been translated in Western terminology as "China is a country without religion and the Chinese are a people who are not bound by religious superstitions".[356]

The Classic of Poetry contains several catechistic poems in the Decade of Dang questioning the authority or existence of the God of Heaven. Later, philosophers such as Xun Zi, Fan Zhen, Han Fei, Zhang Zai, and Wang Fuzhi also criticised contemporaneous religious practices. During the efflorescence[peacock prose] of Buddhism in the Southern and Northern dynasties, Fan Zhen wrote On the Extinction of the Soul (神灭论; Shénmièlùn) to criticise ideas of body-soul dualism, samsara and karma. He wrote that the soul is merely an effect or function of the body, and that there is no soul without the body—after the death and destruction of the body.[357] He considered that cause-and-effect relationships claimed to be evidence of karma were merely the result of coincidence and bias. For this, he was exiled by Emperor Wu of Liang (502–549).

See also

Other

Notes

  1. ^ a b CFPS 2014 surveyed a sample of 13,857 families and 31,665 individuals.[3]: 27, note 4  As noted by Katharina Wenzel-Teuber of China Zentrum, a German institute for research on religion in China, compared to CFPS 2012, CFPS 2016 asked the Chinese about personal belief in certain conceptions of divinity (i.e. "Buddha", "Tao", "Allah", "God of the Christians/Jesus", "Heavenly Lord of the Catholics") rather than membership in a religious group.[3]: 27  It also included regions, such as those in the west of China, that were excluded in CFPS 2012,[3]: 27, note 3  and unregistered Christians.[3]: 28  For these reasons, she concludes that CFPS 2014 results are more accurate than 2012 ones.
  2. ^ CFPS 2014 found that 5.94% of the population declared that they belonged to "other" religious categories besides the five state-sanctioned religions. An additional 0.85% of the population responded that they were "Taoists". Note that the title of "Taoist", in common Chinese usage, is generally attributed only to the Taoist clergy. CFPS 2014 found that a further 0.81% declared that they belonged to the popular sects, while CFPS 2012 found 2.2%, and CGSS 2006-2010 surveys found an average 3% of the population declaring that they belonged to such religions, while government estimates give higher figures (see "Statistics").
  3. ^ CFPS 2014 surveyed predominantly people of Han ethnicity. This may have resulted in an underestimation of Muslims. CGSS 2006–2010 surveys found an average 2–3% of the population of China declaring to be Muslim.
  4. ^ Other names that have been proposed are:[85]
    • Simply "Chinese religion" (中華教 Zhōnghuájiào), viewed as comparable to the usage of "Hinduism";
    • "Shenxianism" (神仙教 Shénxiānjiào), "religion of gods and immortals", partly inspired to Allan J. A. Elliott's "Shenism".[86]
  5. ^ These numerical results for practitioners of the folk religions exclude those who identified with one of the institutional religions, even the 173 million folk Taoists. p. 34 of Wenzel-Teuber (2011): "The CSLS questioned people on popular religious beliefs and practices as well, and came to the following estimates (excluding those who identified themselves with an institutional religion)."[91]
  6. ^ However, there is considerable discrepancy between what Chinese and Western cultures intend with the concepts of "belief", "existence" and "practice". The Chinese folk religion is often considered one of "belonging" rather than "believing".[92]
  7. ^ Scholar Kenneth Dean estimates 680 million people involved in folk temples and rituals. Quote: "According to Dean, 'in the rural sector... if one takes a rough figure of 1000 people per village living in 680,000 administrative villages and assume an average of two or three temples per village, one arrives at a figure of over 680 million villagers involved in some way with well over a million temples and their rituals'."[96]
  8. ^ Overmyer (2009, p. 73), says that from the late 19th to the 20th century few professional priests (i.e. licensed Taoists) were involved in local religion in the central and northern provinces of China, and discusses various types of folk ritual specialists including: the yuehu 樂戶, the zhuli 主禮 (p. 74), the shenjia 神家 ("godly families", hereditary specialists of gods and their rites; p. 77), then (p. 179) the yinyang or fengshui masters (as "[...] folk Zhengyi Daoists of the Lingbao scriptural tradition, living as ordinary peasants. They earn their living both as a group from performing public rituals, and individually [...] by doing geomancy and calendrical consultations for fengshui and auspicious days"; quoting: S. Jones (2007), Ritual and Music of North China: Shawm Bands in Shanxi). He also describes shamans or media known by different names: mapi 馬裨, wupo 巫婆, shen momo 神嬤嬤 or shen han 神漢 (p. 87); xingdao de 香道的 ("practitioners of the incense way"; p. 85); village xiangtou 香頭 ("incense heads"; p. 86); matong 馬童 (the same as southern jitong), either wushen 巫神 (possessed by gods) or shenguan 神官 (possessed by immortals; pp. 88–89); or "godly sages" (shensheng 神聖; p. 91). Further (p. 76), he discusses, for example, the sai , ceremonies of thanksgiving to the gods in Shanxi with roots in the Song era, whose leaders very often corresponded to local political authorities. This pattern continues today with former village Communist Party secretaries elected as temple association bosses (p. 83). He concludes (p. 92): "In sum, since at least the early twentieth century the majority of local ritual leaders in north China have been products of their own or nearby communities. They have special skills in organization, ritual performance or interaction with the gods, but none are full-time ritual specialists; they have all 'kept their day jobs'! As such they are exemplars of ordinary people organizing and carrying out their own cultural traditions, persistent traditions with their own structure, functions and logic that deserve to be understood as such."
  9. ^ The statistics for Chinese ancestorism, that is the worship of ancestor-gods within the lineage system, are from the Chinese Spiritual Life Survey of 2010.[136] The statistics for Buddhism and Christianity are from the China Family Panel Studies survey of 2012.[137] The statistics for Islam are from a survey conducted in 2010.[138] The populations of Chinese ancestorism and Buddhism may overlap, even with the large remaining parts of the population whose belief is not documented in the table. The latter, the uncharted population, may practise other forms of Chinese religion, such as the worship of gods, Taoism, Confucianism, and folk salvationisms, or may be atheist. According to the CFPS 2012, only 6.3% of the Chinese were irreligious in the sense of "atheism", while the rest practised the worship of gods and ancestors.[94]: 13 
  10. ^ The characters yu (jade), huang ("emperor, sovereign, august"), wang ("king"), as well as others pertaining to the same semantic field, have a common denominator in the concepts of gong ("work, art, craft, artisan, bladed weapon, square and compass; gnomon, interpreter") and wu ("shaman, medium")[157] in its archaic form ☩, with the same meaning of wan 卍 (swastika, ten thousand things, all being, universe).[158] A king is a man or an entity who is able to merge himself with the axis mundi, the centre of the universe, bringing its order into reality. The ancient kings or emperors of the Chinese civilisation were shamans or priests, that is to say mediators of the divine rule.[159]
  11. ^ Tian, besides Taidi ("Great Deity") and Shangdi ("Highest Deity"), Yudi ("Jade Deity"), and Taiyi ("Great Oneness"), identified as the ladle of the Big Dipper (Great Chariot),[160] is defined by many other names attested in the Chinese literary tradition.[161] Tian is both transcendent and immanent, manifesting in the three forms of dominance, destiny and nature. In the Wujing Yiyi (《五經異義》, "Different Meanings in the Five Classics"), Xu Shen explains that the designation of Heaven is quintuple:[162]
  12. ^ The image is a good synthesis of the basic virtues of Chinese religion and Confucian ethics, that is to say "to move and act according to the harmony of Heaven". The Big Dipper or Great Chariot in Chinese culture (as in other traditional cultures) is a symbol of the axis mundi, Heaven in its way of manifestation, order of creation (li or Tao). The symbol, also called the Gate of Heaven (天门 Tiānmén), is widely used in esoteric and mystical literature. For example, an excerpt from Shangqing Taoism's texts:
    "Life and death, separation and convergence, all derive from the seven stars. Thus when the Big Dipper impinges on someone, he dies, and when it moves, he lives. That is why the seven stars are Heaven's chancellor, the yamen where the gate is opened to give life."[176]
  13. ^ Huángdì (黄帝 "Yellow Emperor" or "Yellow Deity") or Huángshén (黄神 "Yellow God"), also known as Huángshén Běidǒu (黄神北斗 "Yellow God of the Northern Dipper"), Xuānyuánshì (轩辕氏 "Master of the Chariot Shaft") and Zhōngyuèdàdì (中岳大帝 "Great Deity of the Central Peak"), is the creator of Huaxia, the spiritual foundation of the civilisation of China. He represents the man who embodies or grasps the axis mundi (Kunlun Mountain), the hub of creation, identifying with the principle of the universe ( Tiān), bringing the divine order into physical reality and thus opening the gateways to immortality.[194] The character huáng, for the color "yellow", also means, by homophony and shared etymology with huáng, "august", "creator" and "radiant", other attributes that identify the Yellow Emperor with Shàngdì (上帝 "Highest Deity") in his human form.[194] As a human, Xuanyuan was the fruit of virginal birth, since his mother Fubao conceived him when she was aroused, while walking in the countryside, by seeing a yellow lightning revolving around the Big Dipper. She gave birth to her son on the mount of Shou (Longevity) or mount Xuanyuan (Chariot Shaft), after which he was named.[195]
  14. ^ The Silver Turtle Temple (银龟神庙 Yínguīshénmiào) of Qiang folk religion was consecrated in 2014. It is a complex of temples dedicated to various gods: it hosts a Great Temple of Yandi (炎帝大殿 Yándì dàdiǎn), a Great Temple of Dayu (大禹大殿 Dàyǔ dàdiàn) and a Great Temple of Li Yuanhao (李元昊大殿 Lǐyuánhào dàdiàn), considered the most important deities of the Qiang people.
  15. ^ The man (with the physical features of an Indo-European) wearing a distinctive cap and face veil, is possibly a camel rider or even a Zoroastrian priest engaging in a ritual at a fire temple, since face veils were used to avoid contaminating the holy fire with breath or saliva. The statue is preserved at the Turin's Museum of Oriental Art, Italy.[348]

References

Citations

  1. ^ a b c d 2023 approximations of the statistics from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) of the year 2018, as contained in the following analyses:
    • "Measuring Religion in China" (PDF). Pew Research Center. 30 August 2023. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 September 2023."Measuring Religions in China". 30 August 2023. Archived from the original on 30 September 2023. A compilation of statistics from reliable surveys held throughout the 2010s and early 2020s, with an emphasis on the CFPS 2018.
    • Wenzel-Teuber, Katharina (2023). "Statistics on Religions and Churches in the People's Republic of China – Update for the Year 2022" (PDF). Religions & Christianity in Today's China. XIII. China Zentrum: 18–44. ISSN 2192-9289. Archived (PDF) from the original on 23 June 2023.
    • Zhang, Chunni; Lu, Yunfeng; He, Sheng (2021). "Exploring Chinese folk religion: Popularity, diffuseness, and diversities" (PDF). Chinese Journal of Sociology. 7 (4). SAGE Publications: 575–592. doi:10.1177/2057150X211042687. ISSN 2057-150X. Archived (PDF) from the original on 15 October 2023. Cite error: The named reference "religion2023" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  2. ^ a b c For China Family Panel Studies 2014 survey results, see release No. 1 (archived) and release No. 2 (archived). The tables also contain the results of CFPS 2012 (sample 20,035) and Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) results for 2006, 2008, and 2010 (samples ~10.000/11,000). For comparison, see 卢云峰:当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS(2012)调查数据 (CFPS 2012 report), The World Religious Cultures, issue 2014. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 August 2014. Retrieved 7 August 2014.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) p. 13, reporting the results of the CGSS 2006, 2008, 2010, and 2011, and their average (fifth column of the first table).
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h Wenzel-Teuber, Katharina. "Statistics on Religions and Churches in the People's Republic of China – Update for the Year 2016" (PDF). Religions & Christianity in Today's China. VII (2): 26–53. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 July 2017.
  4. ^ a b Dillon, Michael (2001). Religious Minorities and China (PDF). Minority Rights Group International.
  5. ^ Albert, Eleanor; Maizland, Lindsay. "Religion in China". Foreign Affairs. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 4 May 2022. In the early 21st century, there has been increasing official recognition of Confucianism and Chinese folk religion as part of China's cultural heritage.
  6. ^ a b Willemyns, Alex (26 June 2024). "US: China still arresting 'thousands' each year for practicing faith". Radio Free Asia. Retrieved 27 June 2024.
  7. ^ "The State of Religion in China". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 12 August 2023.
  8. ^ a b Buang, Sa'eda; Chew, Phyllis Ghim-Lian (9 May 2014). Muslim Education in the 21st Century: Asian Perspectives. Routledge. p. 75. ISBN 978-1-317-81500-6. Subsequently, a new China was found on the basis of Communist ideology, i.e. atheism. Within the framework of this ideology, religion was treated as a 'contorted' world-view and people believed that religion would necessarily disappear at the end, along with the development of human society. A series of anti-religious campaigns was implemented by the Chinese Communist Party from the early 1950s to the late 1970s. As a result, in nearly 30 years between the beginning of the 1950s and the end of the 1970s, mosques (as well as churches and Chinese temples) were shut down and Imams involved in forced 're-education'.
  9. ^ a b Woodhead, Linda; Kawanami, Hiroko; Partridge, Christopher H., eds. (2009). Religions in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformations (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45890-0. OCLC 237880815.
  10. ^ a b Teiser (1996).
  11. ^ "Six facts about Buddhism in China". Pew Research Center. 21 September 2023. Retrieved 21 September 2023.
  12. ^ Bays (2012), pp. 7–15, 18–21.
  13. ^ a b Blainey, Geoffrey (2011). A Short History of Christianity.
  14. ^ Gladney, Dru C. (2003). "The China Quarterly - Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism? - Cambridge Journals Online". The China Quarterly. 174: 451–467. doi:10.1017/S0009443903000275. S2CID 154306318.
  15. ^ "The World Factbook". Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 30 May 2007.
  16. ^ "China halts mosque demolition due to protest". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 11 August 2018. Retrieved 10 August 2018.
  17. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), p. 144.
  18. ^ Fairbank, John; Goldman, Merle (2006). China: A New History. Harvard University Press. p. 17. ISBN 0-674-11673-9.
  19. ^ Pankenier (2013), p. 55.
  20. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 73–83, Vol. II, comprising the sections "The Taotie and the Northern Celestial Pole" and "The Significance of the Rectangle and Square in Shang Bronzes".
  21. ^ Didier (2009), p. 137 ff, Vol. III.
  22. ^ Yang & Lang (2012), p. 112.
  23. ^ Nelson, Sarah M.; Matson, Rachel A.; Roberts, Rachel M.; Rock, Chris; Stencel, Robert E. (2006). "Archaeoastronomical Evidence for Wuism at the Hongshan Site of Niuheliang".
  24. ^ De Groot (1892), passim Vol. 6.
  25. ^ a b c Libbrecht (2007), p. 43.
  26. ^ a b Fung (2008), p. 163.
  27. ^ Didier (2009), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii, Vol. I.
  28. ^ Zhou (2012), p. 2.
  29. ^ Didier (2009), p. xxxviii, Vol. I.
  30. ^ Zhou (2012), p. 1.
  31. ^ Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2008), p. 771, chapter: Nylan, Michael. "Classics Without Canonization: Learning and Authority in Qin and Han".
  32. ^ Zhou (2012), p. 3.
  33. ^ Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2008), p. 766, chapter: Nylan, Michael. "Classics Without Canonization: Learning and Authority in Qin and Han".
  34. ^ Zhou (2005), p. 5.
  35. ^ Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2008), p. 783, chapter: Bujard, Marianne. "State and Local Cults in Han Religion".
  36. ^ Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2008), p. 784, chapter: Bujard, Marianne. "State and Local Cults in Han Religion".
  37. ^ a b Zhou (2012), p. 4.
  38. ^ Espesset (2008), pp. 22–28.
  39. ^ Espesset (2008), p. 19.
  40. ^ Espesset (2008), pp. 1–2.
  41. ^ Espesset (2008), pp. 2–3.
  42. ^ Espesset (2008), pp. 6–10.
  43. ^ Espesset (2008), pp. 11–15.
  44. ^ Espesset (2008), p. 18.
  45. ^ a b Pregadio (2016).
  46. ^ Chang (2000), pp. 40–41.
  47. ^ Chang (2000), p. 42.
  48. ^ Chang (2000), p. 43. Cit. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, and Peter N. Gregory, ed. Religion and Society in Tang and Song China. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993. p. 29.
  49. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), p. 148.
  50. ^ a b c Fan & Chen (2013), p. 9.
  51. ^ Tarocco, Francesca (2008), The Cultural Practices of Modern Chinese Buddhism: Attuning the Dharma, London: Routledge, p. 48, ISBN 978-0-415-59617-6
  52. ^ Preston, Diana (2000). The Boxer Rebellion: The Dramatic Story of China's War on Foreigners That Shook the World in the Summer of 1900. New York: Walker. pp. 25–30. ISBN 0-8027-1361-0.
  53. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 46.
  54. ^ Bays (2012), pp. 84–87.
  55. ^ a b c d e Liang, Yongjia (2016). "The Anthropological Study of Religion in China: Contexts, Collaborations, Debates and Trends" (PDF). Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series (250): 25. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 October 2017.
  56. ^ a b Overmyer (2009), p. 50.
  57. ^ Bays (2012), pp. 107–113.
  58. ^ Bernardi Junqueira, Luis Fernando (8 June 2021). "Revealing Secrets: Talismans, Healthcare and the Market of the Occult in Early Twentieth-century China". Social History of Medicine. 34 (4): 1068–1093. doi:10.1093/shm/hkab035. ISSN 0951-631X. PMC 8653939. PMID 34899068.
  59. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 43.
  60. ^ a b Overmyer (2009), p. 51.
  61. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 45.
  62. ^ Woodhead, Linda; Partridge, Christopher; Kawanami, Hiroko, eds. (2016). Religions in the Modern World: Traditions and Transformations (3rd ed.). Routledge. p. 159.
  63. ^ Bays (2012), pp. 159–166.
  64. ^ a b Guoyou, Wu; Xuemei, Ding (2020). Zheng, Qian (ed.). An Ideological History of the Communist Party of China. Translated by Sun, Li; Bryant, Shelly. Montreal, Quebec: Royal Collins Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-4878-0392-6.
  65. ^ Brown, Kerry (2023). China Incorporated: The Politics of a World Where China is Number One. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-26724-4.
  66. ^ Santos, Gonçalo (2021). Chinese Village Life Today: Building Families in an Age of Transition. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-74738-5.
  67. ^ Sautman (1997), pp. 79–84.
  68. ^ Marsh, Christopher (2011). Religion and the State in Russia and China: Suppression, Survival, and Revival. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 239. ISBN 978-1-4411-1247-7.
  69. ^ Solé-Farràs, Jesús (2013). New Confucianism in Twenty-First Century China: The Construction of a Discourse. Routledge. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-134-73915-8.
  70. ^ Bell, Daniel A. (2010). China's New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society. Princeton University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-691-14585-3.
  71. ^ Koesel, Karrie J. (2014). Religion and Authoritarianism: Cooperation, Conflict, and the Consequences. Cambridge University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-1-139-86779-5.
  72. ^ Te Winkle, Kimberley S. (2005). "A Sacred Trinity: God, Mountain and Bird. Cultic Practices of the Bronze Age Chengdu Plain" (PDF). Sino-Platonic Papers (149). Victor H. Mair. ISSN 2157-9687.
  73. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), p. 162.
  74. ^ Sonia Elks (19 June 2021). "China is harvesting organs from Falun Gong members, finds expert panel". reuters.com. Retrieved 6 October 2021.
  75. ^ Johnson (2017), p. 280.
  76. ^ Pregadio (2013), p. xv.
  77. ^ a b Zuckerman, Phil (2006). "Atheism: Contemporary Numbers and Patterns". In Martin, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Atheism. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 1-139-82739-1.
  78. ^ a b Yao (2010), p. 9.
  79. ^ Yao (2010), p. 10.
  80. ^ Pregadio (2013), p. 326.
  81. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 12, quoting: "Chinese sectarianism, millennialism and heterodoxy, called 'popular religious sects' (minjian zongjiao 民間宗教, minjian jiaomen 民間教門, minjian jiaopai 民間教派) in the Chinese scholarship, often inextricable from debates on the exact nature of the so-called 'White Lotus' tradition."; p. 14: "The local and anthropological focus of these studies, and their undermining of rigid distinctions between 'sectarian' groups and other forms of local religiosity, tends to draw them into the category of 'popular religion' 民間信仰.".
  82. ^ Clart (2014), p. 393: "[...] The problem started when the Taiwanese translator of my paper chose to render 'popular religion' literally as minjian zongjiao 民間宗教. The immediate association this term caused in the minds of many Taiwanese and practically all mainland Chinese participants in the conference was of popular sects (minjian jiaopai 民間教派), rather than the local and communal religious life that was the main focus of my paper."
  83. ^ Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 347, quoting: "[Since the 1990s] [...] a number of [...] lay salvationist groups (such as Xiantiandao in southern China and Hongyangism [弘阳教 Hóngyáng jiào] in Hebei) also successfully registered with the Taoist association, thus gaining legitimacy.".
  84. ^ Clart (2014), pp. 402–406.
  85. ^ Clart (2014), p. 409.
  86. ^ Shi (2008).
  87. ^ White, Chris (2017). "Counting Christians in China: A critical reading of A star in the East: The rise of Christianity in China" (PDF). MMG Working Paper. MMG Working Paper 17-03. Göttingen: Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity. ISSN 2192-2357. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 June 2018.
  88. ^ Yao, Xinzhong (May 2007). "Religious Belief and Practice in Urban China 1995-2005". Journal of Contemporary Religion. 22 (2): 169–185. doi:10.1080/13537900701331031. S2CID 144500936. pp. 169-185.
  89. ^ a b "Religion in China on the Eve of the 2008 Beijing Olympics". Religion and Public Life Project. Pew Research Center. 2008.
  90. ^ a b c Yu Tao (2012). "A Solo, a Duet, or an Ensemble? Analysing the Recent Development of Religious Communities in Contemporary Rural China". ECRAN – Europe-China Research and Advice Network, University of Nottingham.
  91. ^ Wenzel-Teuber, Katharina; Strait, David (2012). "People's Republic of China: Religions and Churches Statistical Overview 2011" (PDF). Religions & Christianity in Today's China. II (3): 29–54. ISSN 2192-9289. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 April 2017.
  92. ^ Fan & Chen (2013), p. 5.
  93. ^ a b c d e 2010 Chinese Spiritual Life Survey, Purdue University's Center on Religion and Chinese Society. Data reported in Wenzel-Teuber, Katharina; Strait, David (2012). "People's Republic of China: Religions and Churches Statistical Overview 2011" (PDF). Religions & Christianity in Today's China. II (3): 29–54. ISSN 2192-9289. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 April 2017.
  94. ^ a b c d e f g h i China Family Panel Studies 2012. Reported and compared with Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011 in Lu (2014)
  95. ^ Yang & Hu (2012), p. 514.
  96. ^ Fan & Chen (2013), p. 8, citing: Dean, Kenneth (2011). "Local Ritual Traditions of Southeast China: A Challenge to Definitions of Religion and Theories of Ritual". In Yang, Fenggang; Lang, Graeme. Social Scientific Study of Religion in China: Methodology, Theories, and Findings. Leiden: Brill. p. 134.
  97. ^ 大陆民间宗教管理变局 [Mainland folk religion management change]. Phoenix Weekly (500). Pu Shi Institute for Social Science. July 2014. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016.
  98. ^ "The Global Religious Landscape" (PDF). Pew Research Center. December 2012. p. 46. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 18 February 2014.
  99. ^ "Global Index of Religion and Atheism 2012" (PDF). Win-Gallup International. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 August 2012.
  100. ^ a b c d Francis Ching-Wah Yip, in Miller, 2006. p. 186.
  101. ^ a b Han, Junqiang; Meng, Yingying; Xu, Chengcheng; Qin, Siqi (2017). "Urban Residents' Religious Beliefs and Influencing Factors on Christianity in Wuhan, China". Religions. 8 (244): 244. doi:10.3390/rel8110244. pp. 9–11.
  102. ^ Ji Zhe (2006). "Non-institutional Religious Re-composition among the Chinese Youth" (PDF). Social Compass. 53 (4). SAGE Publications: 535–549. doi:10.1177/0037768606070418. S2CID 144425470. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 January 2018.
  103. ^ Yao, Xinzhong (May 2007). "Religious Belief and Practice in Urban China 1995-2005". Journal of Contemporary Religion. 22 (2): 169–185. doi:10.1080/13537900701331031. S2CID 144500936. pp. 169-185.
  104. ^ 2010 Chinese Spiritual Life Survey, Purdue University's Center on Religion and Chinese Society. Data reported in Wenzel-Teuber, Katharina; Strait, David (2012). "People's Republic of China: Religions and Churches Statistical Overview 2011" (PDF). Religions & Christianity in Today's China. 2 (3): 29–54. ISSN 2192-9289. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 April 2017.
  105. ^ "Religion in China on the Eve of the 2008 Beijing Olympics". Religion and Public Life Project. Pew Research Center. 2008.
  106. ^ a b China Family Panel Studies 2012. Reported and compared with Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011 in Lu 卢, Yunfeng 云峰 (2014). "卢云峰:当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS(2012)调查数据" [Report on Religions in Contemporary China – Based on CFPS (2012) Survey Data] (PDF). World Religious Cultures (1). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 August 2014.
  107. ^ Yu Tao (2012). "A Solo, a Duet, or an Ensemble? Analysing the Recent Development of Religious Communities in Contemporary Rural China". 4th International Forum for Contemporary Chinese Studies. ECRAN – Europe-China Research and Advice Network, University of Nottingham.
  108. ^ Sun, Shangyang; Li, Ding. "Chinese Traditional Culture Study Fever, Scarcity of Meaning and the Trend of University Students' Attitudes towards Religions: A Survey in Beijing". Journal of Sino-Western Studies (2011): 53–68.
  109. ^ Yang, Fenggang; Tamney, Joseph (2011). Confucianism and Spiritual Traditions in Modern China and Beyond. Brill. ISBN 978-9004212398.. p. 67.
  110. ^ Dumortier, Brigitte (2002). "Religions en Chine" (Map). Atlas des religions. Croyances, pratiques et territoires. Atlas/Monde (in French). Paris, France: Autrement. p. 34. ISBN 2-7467-0264-9. Archived from the original on 27 April 2017.
  111. ^ "Religions in China" (Map). Narody Vostochnoi Asii [Ethnic Groups of East Asia]. 1965. Archived from the original on 27 April 2017. Zhongguo Minsu Dili [Folklore Geography of China], 1999; Zhongguo Dili [Geography of China], 2002.
  112. ^ a b Gao 高, Wende 文德, ed. (1995). "Religions in China" (Map). 中国少数民族史大辞典 [Chinese Dictionary of Minorities' History] (in Chinese). Changchun: Jilin Education Press (吉林教育出版社). Archived from the original on 27 April 2017.
  113. ^ a b Yin 殷, Haishan 海山; Li 李, Yaozong 耀宗; Guo 郭, Jie 洁, eds. (1991). "Religions in China" (Map). 中国少数民族艺术词典 [Chinese Minorities' Arts Dictionary] (in Chinese). Beijing: National Publishing House (民族出版社). Archived from the original on 27 April 2017.
  114. ^ Zhao, Litao; Tan, Soon Heng (2008). "Religious Revival in China" (PDF). East Asian Institute Background Brief. No. 368. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 January 2018. pp. i–ii: "Their revival is most evident in South-east China, where annual festivals for local and regional gods often mobilize the entire village population for elaborate rites and rituals. The deep and rich ritual traditions share close similarities with those of Taiwan and overseas Chinese and financial help from these connections make coastal Fujian a frontrunner in reviving local communal religion."
  115. ^ Waldron (1998), p. 325.
  116. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 185: about Taoism in southeastern China: "Ethnographic research into the temple festivals and communal rituals celebrated within these god cults has revealed the widespread distribution of Daoist ritual traditions in this area, including especially Zhengyi (Celestial Master Daoism) and variants of Lushan Daoist ritual traditions. Various Buddhist ritual traditions (Pu'anjiao, Xianghua married monks and so on) are practised throughout this region, particularly for requiem services". (quoting Dean, Kenneth (2003). "Local Communal Religion in Contemporary Southeast China". In Overmyer, Daniel L. (ed.). Religion in China Today. Cambridge University Press. pp. 32–34.)
  117. ^ a b c d e f g Goossaert, Vincent (2011). "Is There a North China Religion? A Review Essay". Journal of Chinese Religions. 39 (1): 83–93. doi:10.1179/073776911806153907. ISSN 0737-769X. S2CID 170749557.
  118. ^ Overmyer (2009), pp. 12–13: "As for the physical and social structure of villages on this vast flat expanse; they consist of close groups of houses built on a raised area, surrounded by their fields, with a multi-surnamed population of families who own and cultivate their own land, though usually not much more than twenty mou or about three acres. [...] Families of different surnames living in one small community meant that lineages were not strong enough to maintain lineage shrines and cross-village organizations, so, at best, they owned small burial plots and took part only in intra-village activities. The old imperial government encouraged villages to manage themselves and collect and hand over their own taxes. [...] leaders were responsible for settling disputes, dealing with local government, organizing crop protection and planning for collective ceremonies. All these factors tended to strengthen the local protective deities and their temples as focal points of village identity and activity. This social context defines North China local religion, and keeps us from wandering off into vague discussions of 'popular' and 'elite' and relationships with Daoism and Buddhism."
  119. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. xii.
  120. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 10: "There were and are many such pilgrimages to regional and national temples in China, and of course such pilgrimages cannot always be clearly distinguished from festivals for the gods or saints of local communities, because such festivals can involve participants from surrounding villages and home communities celebrating the birthdays or death days of their patron gods or saints, whatever their appeal to those from other areas. People worship and petition at both pilgrimages and local festivals for similar reasons. The chief differences between the two are the central role of a journey in pilgrimages, the size of the area from which participants are attracted, and the role of pilgrimage societies in organizing the long trips that may be involved. [...] pilgrimage in China is also characterized by extensive planning and organization both by the host temples and those visiting them."
  121. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 3: "[...] there are significant differences between aspects of local religion in the south and north, one of which is the gods who are worshiped."; p. 33: "[...] the veneration in the north of ancient deities attested to in pre-Han sources, deities such as Nüwa, Fuxi and Shennong, the legendary founder of agriculture and herbal medicine. In some instances these gods were worshiped at places believed to be where they originated, with indications of grottoes, temples and festivals for them, some of which continue to exist or have been revived. Of course, these gods were worshiped elsewhere in China as well, though perhaps not with the same sense of original geographical location."
  122. ^ Overmyer (2009), p. 15: "[...] Popular religious sects with their own forms of organization, leaders, deities, rituals, beliefs and scripture texts were active throughout the Ming and Qing periods, particularly in north China. Individuals and families who joined them were promised special divine protection in this life and the next by leaders who functioned both as ritual masters and missionaries. These sects were more active in some communities than in others, but in principle were open to all who responded to these leaders and believed in their efficacy and teachings, so some of these groups spread to wide areas of the country. [...] significant for us here though is evidence for the residual influence of sectarian beliefs and practices on non-sectarian community religion where the sects no longer exist, particularly the feminization of deities by adding to their names the characters mu or Laomu, Mother or Venerable Mother, as in Guanyin Laomu, Puxianmu, Dizangmu, etc., based on the name of the chief sectarian deity, Wusheng Laomu, the Eternal Venerable Mother. Puxian and Dizang are bodhisattvas normally considered 'male', though in Buddhist theory such gender categories don't really apply. This practice of adding mu to the names of deities, found already in Ming period sectarian scriptures called baojuan 'precious volumes' from the north, does not occur in the names of southern deities."
  123. ^ a b Ownby (2008).
  124. ^ a b Payette (2016).
  125. ^ a b Jones, Stephen (2011). "Yinyang: Household Daoists of North China and Their Rituals". Daoism: Religion, History & Society. 3 (1): 83–114.
  126. ^ Deng, Claire Qiuju (2014). Action-Taking Gods: Animal Spirit Shamanism in Liaoning, China (Master in East Asian Studies thesis). Montreal: McGill University, Department of East Asian Studies. Archived from the original on 16 January 2018.
  127. ^ Juergensmeyer, Mark; Roof, Wade Clark (2011). Encyclopedia of Global Religion. SAGE Publications. ISBN 978-1-4522-6656-5. p. 202.
  128. ^ Penny, Benjamin (2013). Religion and Biography in China and Tibet. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-11394-9. pp. 185–187.
  129. ^ Jones, A. D. (2011). "Contemporary Han Chinese Involvement in Tibetan Buddhism: A Case Study from Nanjing". Social Compass. 58 (4): 540–553. doi:10.1177/0037768611421134. S2CID 144510373.
  130. ^ Hong Kong Year Book (2011): Chapter 18 – Religion and Custom.
  131. ^ Zheng, VWT; Wan, PS. Religious beliefs and life experiences of Macao's residents 澳門居民的宗教信仰與生活經驗. On: Modern China Studies by Center for Modern China, 2010, v. 17 n. 4, p. 91-126. ISSN 2160-0295. «Drawing on empirical data obtained from three consecutive territory-wide household surveys conducted in 2005, 2007, and 2009 respectively, this paper attempts to shed light on the current religious profile of Macao residents.»
  132. ^ Dubois (2005).
  133. ^ Heberer, Thomas; Jakobi, Sabine (2000). "Henan – The Model: From Hegemonism to Fragmentism. Portrait of the Political Culture of China's Most Populated Province" (PDF). Duisburg Working Papers on East Asian Studies. No. 32. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 January 2021. Retrieved 15 February 2016.
  134. ^ Lu (2014), p. 13. The report compares the data of the China Family Panel Studies 2012 with those of the Renmin University's Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) of the years 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011.
  135. ^ a b c d e f g h Data from the Chinese Spiritual Life Survey (CSLS) 2010 for Chinese ancestorists, and from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) 2009 for Christians. Reported in Wang, Xiuhua (2015). "Explaining Christianity in China: Why a Foreign Religion has Taken Root in Unfertile Ground" (PDF). Baylor University. p. 15. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 September 2015.
  136. ^ a b c d Data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) 2012. Reported in Gai, Rong Hua; Gao, Jun Hui (22 December 2016). "Multiple-Perspective Analysis on the Geological Distribution of Christians in China". PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences. 2 (1): 809–817. doi:10.20319/pijss.2016.s21.809817. ISSN 2454-5899.
  137. ^ a b Data from Yang, Zongde (2010). "Study on Current Muslim Population in China" (PDF). Jinan Muslim (2). Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 April 2017. Reported in Min, Junqing (2013). "The Present Situation and Characteristics of Contemporary Islam in China" (PDF). JISMOR (8): 29. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 June 2017.
  138. ^ Lai, Hongyi (2016). China's Governance Model: Flexibility and Durability of Pragmatic Authoritarianism. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-85952-9. p. 167.
  139. ^ "Internazional Religious Freedom Report 2012" (PDF). US Government. p. 20, quoting: "Most ethnic Tibetans practice Tibetan Buddhism, although a sizeable minority practices Bon, an indigenous religion, and very small minorities practice Islam, Catholicism, or Protestantism. Some scholars estimate that there are as many as 400,000 Bon followers across the Tibetan Plateau. Scholars also estimate that there are up to 5,000 ethnic Tibetan Muslims and 700 ethnic Tibetan Catholics in the TAR".
  140. ^ Wu, Jiayu; Fang, Yong (January 2016). "Study on the Protection of the Lama Temple Heritage in Inner Mongolia as a Cultural Landscape". Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering. 15 (1): 9–16. doi:10.3130/jaabe.15.9. S2CID 53994697. Note that the article, in an evident mistranslation from Chinese, reports 30 million Tibetan Buddhists in Inner Mongolia instead of 3 million.
  141. ^ a b c d Yao (2010), p. 39.
  142. ^ Adler (2005), p. 2.
  143. ^ a b Yao (2010), pp. 10–11.
  144. ^ a b Feuchtwang (2016), p. 150.
  145. ^ a b Jing (1996), p. 17.
  146. ^ a b Jing (1996), p. 18.
  147. ^ Yang (1961), p. 53.
  148. ^ Jing (1996), pp. 144–153.
  149. ^ Yao (2010), pp. 114, 177.
  150. ^ Jing (1996), pp. 152–153.
  151. ^ Zhong (2014), pp. 76–77.
  152. ^ Zhong (2014), p. 84, note 282.
  153. ^ Didier (2009), passim.
  154. ^ Adler (2011), pp. 4–5.
  155. ^ Pregadio (2013), p. 1197.
  156. ^ Lewis, Mark (1999). Writing and Authority in Early China. SUNY Press. pp. 205–206. ISBN 0-7914-4114-8.
  157. ^ Didier (2009), p. 268, Vol. III.
  158. ^ Needham, Joseph (1959). Science and Civilisation in China. Volume III: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and Earth. p. 23.
  159. ^ Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2008), pp. 30 ("Introduction"), 73 (Ch. Eno, Robert. "Shang State Religion"), 240 (Ch. Cook, Constance A. "Ancestor Worship During the Eastern Zhou"), 985 (Ch. Pirazzoli-T'serstevens, Michèle. "Death and the Dead").
  160. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), pp. 63–66. Ch. Zhuo, Xinping. "Theories of Religion in Contemporary China".
  161. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), p. 65. Ch. Zhuo, Xinping. "Theories of Religion in Contemporary China".
  162. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), p. 64. Ch. Zhuo, Xinping. "Theories of Religion in Contemporary China".
  163. ^ a b c Feuchtwang (2016), p. 146.
  164. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), p. 64.
  165. ^ Chai, Ch'u; Chai, Winberg (1965). The Sacred Books of Confucius and Other Confucian Classics. University Books. ASIN B0006BN5QY.
  166. ^ a b Adler (2011), p. 13.
  167. ^ a b Feuchtwang (2016), p. 151.
  168. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), p. 71.
  169. ^ Adler (2011), p. 5.
  170. ^ Lü & Gong (2014), p. 71. Ch. Zhuo, Xinping. "Theories of Religion in Contemporary China".
  171. ^ Teiser (1996), p. 33.
  172. ^ a b c Teiser (1996), pp. 31–32.
  173. ^ Yao (2010), p. 81.
  174. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), p. 152.
  175. ^ Bai Bin (2014). "Daoism in Graves". In Marsone, Pierre; Lagerwey, John (eds.). Modern Chinese Religion I: Song-Liao-Jin-Yuan (960-1368 AD). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-27164-7. p. 579.
  176. ^ Yao (2010), p. 25.
  177. ^ Chen (2012), pp. 14–15.
  178. ^ Yao (2010), p. 28.
  179. ^ Clart (2014), pp. 394–395.
  180. ^ a b c d e Yao (2010), p. 40.
  181. ^ Yao (2010), p. 116.
  182. ^ Ching (1993), pp. 18–19.
  183. ^ Yao (2010), pp. 114–116.
  184. ^ a b c Yao (2010), p. 41.
  185. ^ a b c Shahar & Weller (1996), p. 1.
  186. ^ a b Clart (2014), pp. 393–409.
  187. ^ Lang, Graeme; Chan, Selina Ching; Ragvald, Lars Ragvald (2005). "Folk Temples and the Chinese Religious Economy" (PDF). Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion. 1. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 December 2017.
  188. ^ Yang (2007), p. 226.
  189. ^ Yang (2007), pp. 226–230.
  190. ^ Law (2005), p. 90.
  191. ^ Yang (2007), p. 223.
  192. ^ Hao, Lizhou (12 January 2017). "Crowdfunding and the Family Temple Economy". Realising Eurasia: Civilisation and Moral Economy in the 21st Century. Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology. Archived from the original on 16 January 2018.
  193. ^ a b Fowler (2005), pp. 200–201.
  194. ^ Bonnefoy, Yves (1993). Asian Mythologies. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-06456-5. pp. 241, 246.
  195. ^ a b c d Klára, Dubravčíková (2023). "Religions, Traditions, and Values". In Kironska, Kristina; Turscanyi, Richard Q. (eds.). Contemporary China: a New Superpower?. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-03-239508-1.
  196. ^ Teiser (1995), p. 378.
  197. ^ a b Wu, Nengchang (2014). "Religion and Society. A Summary of French Studies on Chinese Religion". Review of Religion and Chinese Society. 1 (1): 104–127. doi:10.1163/22143955-04102008.
  198. ^ Littlejohn (2010), pp. 35–37.
  199. ^ Shen & Shun (2007), pp. 278–279.
  200. ^ a b Clart (2003), pp. 3–5.
  201. ^ Fan & Chen (2013), pp. 5–6.
  202. ^ Fan & Chen (2013), p. 21.
  203. ^ a b Fan & Chen (2013), p. 23.
  204. ^ a b Do (2003), pp. 10–11.
  205. ^ Madsen (2010), pp. 62–64.
  206. ^ Gaenssbauer (2015), pp. 28–37.
  207. ^ a b c "Religions & Christianity in Today's China" (PDF). Religion & Christianity in Today's China. IV (1). China Zentrum. 2014. ISSN 2192-9289. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 April 2017. pp. 22–23.
  208. ^ Sautman (1997), pp. 80–81.
  209. ^ Chau, Adam Yuet (2005). "The Politics of Legitimation and the Revival of Popular Religion in Shaanbei, North-Central China" (PDF). Modern China. 31 (2): 236–278. doi:10.1177/0097700404274038. S2CID 144130739. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 August 2017.
  210. ^ 浙江省启动民间信仰活动场所登记编号 昨颁首张证书 [Zhejiang started yesterday to award registration certificates to folk religious activities]. Zhejiang News. 16 April 2015. Archived from the original on 27 April 2017.
  211. ^ Jing (1996), p. 175.
  212. ^ Chau (2005), p. 49.
  213. ^ Wu, Guoguang; Lansdowne, Helen (2009). Socialist China, Capitalist China: Social tension and political adaptation under economic globalization. China Policy Series. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-48226-4. p. 92.
  214. ^ Lu, Yiyi (2008). Non-Governmental Organisations in China. China Policy Series. Routledge. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-415-45858-0.
  215. ^ 民间寺庙文化管理协会挂牌仪式 [Folk Temples' Management Association Registration Ceremony]. minjiansimiao.com. 17 December 2015. Archived from the original on 27 April 2017.
  216. ^ a b Palmer (2011), p. 19.
  217. ^ Palmer (2011), pp. 19–20.
  218. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 17.
  219. ^ Clart (2014), p. 395.
  220. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 12.
  221. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 23.
  222. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 29.
  223. ^ Palmer (2011), pp. 4–6.
  224. ^ Palmer (2011), p. 11.
  225. ^ a b Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 347.
  226. ^ Palmer (2011), pp. 12–13.
  227. ^ a b c Palmer (2011), p. 13.
  228. ^ a b c Ambrosi, Raymond P. (2013). "Towards the City! Towards the Country! Old Martial Art Strengthens Social Cohesion in Chinese Rural Areas". Goethe-Institut China. Archived from the original on 4 January 2015.
  229. ^ Ambrosi, Raymond P. (2015). "Interconnections amongst Folk Religions, Civil Society and Community Development: Meihua Boxers as Constructors of Social Trust and the Agrarian Public Sphere". Modern China. Sage Publishing.
  230. ^ Chen (2012), p. 9.
  231. ^ Alitto, Guy, ed. (2015). Contemporary Confucianism in Thought and Action. Springer. pp. 2–3. ISBN 978-3-662-47750-2.
  232. ^ Fingarette (1972).
  233. ^ a b Adler (2014), p. 12.
  234. ^ Adler (2014), p. 10.
  235. ^ Littlejohn (2010), pp. 34–36.
  236. ^ Thoraval, Joël (2016). "Heaven, Earth, Sovereign, Ancestors, Masters: Some Remarks on the Politico-Religious in China Today". Occasional Papers. No. 5. Paris, France: Centre for Studies on China, Korea and Japan. Archived from the original on 16 January 2018.
  237. ^ Fingarette (1972), pp. 1–2.
  238. ^ Craig (1998), p. 550.
  239. ^ Chen (2012), p. 105, note 45.
  240. ^ a b c d e Tay (2010), p. 100.
  241. ^ Tay (2010), p. 102.
  242. ^ a b c d e Yang, Fenggang (July 2007). "Cultural Dynamics in China: Today and in 2020". Asia Policy. 4 (4): 41–52. doi:10.1353/asp.2007.0012. S2CID 154192782. p. 48.
  243. ^ a b c Chen (2012), p. 175.
  244. ^ a b Chen (2012), p. 174.
  245. ^ Fan & Chen (2015a), p. 7.
  246. ^ Billioud (2010), pp. 203–214.
  247. ^ Billioud (2010), p. 219.
  248. ^ a b Fan & Chen (2015), p. 29.
  249. ^ a b Fan & Chen (2015), p. 34.
  250. ^ Billioud & Thoraval (2015), p. 148.
  251. ^ Payette (2014).
  252. ^ Billioud & Thoraval (2015), pp. 152–156.
  253. ^ Billioud (2010), p. 204.
  254. ^ Tao Te Ching. Translated by Kohn, Livia. 1993.
  255. ^ Nadeau (2012), p. 42.
  256. ^ Despeux, Catherine (2000). "Women in Daoism". In Kohn, Livia (ed.). Daoism Handbook. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 90-04-11208-1. pp. 403–404.
  257. ^ a b c d e f Chan (2005), p. 93.
  258. ^ Overmyer (2003), p. 118.
  259. ^ Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 332.
  260. ^ a b c d e Pas (1998), p. 259.
  261. ^ 法教與民俗信仰學術研討會論文集: 2009 [Faism and Folk Religion: 2009]. Wenjin, Taipei: Taiwan Folk Religion Society. 2011. ISBN 978-957-668-945-1.
  262. ^ Davis, Edward L. (2009). "Daoism (Zhengyi tradition)". Encyclopedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-77716-2.
  263. ^ Coakley, Sarah (2000). Religion and the Body. Cambridge Studies in Religious Traditions. Vol. 8. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-78386-0. p. 246.
  264. ^ Palmer, Shive & Wickeri (2011), p. 46.
  265. ^ Lagerwey (2010), p. 80.
  266. ^ a b c d e f g h Chirita, Andreea (2014). "Antagonistic Discourses on Shamanic Folklore in Modern China" (PDF). Annals of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University (1). Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 June 2017.
  267. ^ a b Kun, Shi (1993–2007). "Shamanistic Studies in China: A Preliminary Survey of the Last Decade" (PDF). Shaman. 1 (1–2). Ohio State University: 104–106. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 September 2017.
  268. ^ Jiang Wu, "The Chinese Buddhist Canon" in The Wiley Blackwell Companion to East and Inner Asian Buddhism, p. 299, Wiley-Blackwell (2014).
  269. ^ Chün-fang Yü (2020). Chinese Buddhism: A Thematic History, pp. 29–70. University of Hawaii Press
  270. ^ a b Cook, Sarah (2017). The Battle for China's Spirit: Religious Revival, Repression, and Resistance under Xi Jinping. Archived 2021-08-08 at the Wayback Machine Freedom House Report. Rowman & Littlefield.
  271. ^ White, David Gordon, ed. (2000). Tantra in Practice. Princeton University Press. p. 21. ISBN 0-691-05779-6.
  272. ^ Davidson, Ronald M. (2004). Indian Esoteric Buddhism: Social History of the Tantric Movement. Motilal Banarsidass. p. 2.
  273. ^ "南傳上座部佛教在云南". 中國佛教協會. Archived from the original on 4 November 2020. Retrieved 11 May 2016.
  274. ^ Huang, Zhengliang; Zhang, Xilu (2013). "Research Review of Bai Esoteric Buddhist Azhali Religion Since the 20th Century". Journal of Dali University.
  275. ^ Yang & Lang (2012), pp. 181–194.
  276. ^ a b c Kraef (2014), pp. 146–147.
  277. ^ a b Kraef (2014), p. 148.
  278. ^ Kraef (2014), p. 149.
  279. ^ Kraef (2014), p. 150.
  280. ^ Kraef (2014), p. 158.
  281. ^ Kraef (2014), pp. 158–159.
  282. ^ a b Kraef (2014), p. 164.
  283. ^ a b c d Kværne, Per (2013). "Bon". In Kitagawa, Joseph (ed.). The Religious Traditions of Asia: Religion, History, and Culture. Routledge. pp. 217–218. ISBN 978-1-136-87597-7.
  284. ^ a b c Kværne, Per (2013). "The Bon Religion of Tibet". In Tuttle, Gray; Schaeffer, Kurtis R. (eds.). The Tibetan History Reader. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-51354-8.
  285. ^ Tucci, Giuseppe (2012). Religions of Tibet. Routledge. p. 272. ISBN 978-1-136-17952-5.
  286. ^ Ermakov, Dmitry (2008). Bø and Bön: Ancient Shamanic Traditions of Siberia and Tibet in Their Relation to the Teachings of a Central Asian Buddha. Vajra Publications. ISBN 978-9937-506-11-3.
  287. ^ Lin, Shen-yu (2005). "The Tibetan Image of Confucius" (PDF). Revue d'Études Tibétaines (12): 105–129. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 September 2017.
  288. ^ a b c Jackson, Anthony (1979). Na-khi Religion: An Analytical Appraisal of the Na-khi Ritual Texts. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-080411-5.
  289. ^ a b Elliott, Mark C. (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China. Religious Studies in Contemporary China Collection. Vol. 1. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-4684-2.
  290. ^ Shirokogorov, Sergeĭ Mikhaĭlovich (1929). Social Organization of the Northern Tungus. Garland. p. 204. ISBN 0-8240-9620-7.
  291. ^ Ma, Xisha; Meng, Huiying (2011). Popular Religion and Shamanism. Religious Studies in Contemporary China Collection. Vol. 1. Brill. p. 381. ISBN 978-90-04-17455-9.
  292. ^ a b c d Tapp, Nicholas (1989). "Hmong Religion". Asian Folklore Studies. 48 (1): 59–94. doi:10.2307/1178534. JSTOR 1178534. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 5 August 2016.
  293. ^ Stausberg, Michael (2010). Religion and Tourism: Crossroads, Destinations and Encounters. Routledge. p. 162. ISBN 978-0-415-54932-5.
  294. ^ a b Man, John (2004). Genghis Khan: Life, Death and Resurrection. London: Bantam Press. ISBN 978-0-553-81498-9.
  295. ^ 成吉思汗召. qianguo.gov.cn. Archived from the original on 24 July 2013. 成吉思汗祠. gsqab.com. Archived from the original on 12 August 2017.
  296. ^ Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 369.
  297. ^ a b Li, Xing (2006). Festivals of China's Ethnic Minorities. China Intercontinental Press. pp. 58–59. ISBN 7-5085-0999-4.
  298. ^ a b c d LaPolla, Randy; Huang, Chenglong (2003). A Grammar of Qiang: With Annotated Texts and Glossary. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017829-X. Chapter 1.3.6 "Religion".
  299. ^ Wang, Mingke (2002). "Searching for Qiang Culture in the First Half of the Twentieth Century". Inner Asia. 4 (1–2). White Horse Press for the Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit, University of Cambridge: 134–148. doi:10.1163/146481702793647588. Excerpts.
  300. ^ Alberts, Eli (2006). A History of Daoism and the Yao People of South China. Cambria Press. ISBN 1-934043-14-1. pp. 1–3.
  301. ^ a b Litzinger, Ralph A. (2000). Other Chinas: The Yao and the Politics of National Belonging. Duke University Press. ISBN 0-8223-2549-7.
  302. ^ Kao (2014).
  303. ^ Kao (2014), p. 107.
  304. ^ Kao (2014), p. 108.
  305. ^ a b Kao (2014), p. 116.
  306. ^ Kao (2014), pp. 116–117.
  307. ^ a b Kao (2014), p. 117.
  308. ^ a b Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 349.
  309. ^ Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 348.
  310. ^ Kupfer, Kristin (October 2001). "'Geheimgesellschaften' in der VR China: Christlich inspirierte, spirituell-religiöse Gruppierungen seit 1978" (PDF). China Analysis (8). Trier University's Center for East Asian and Pacific Studies. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 October 2013.
  311. ^ Gulick, Edward V. (1975). "Peter Parker and the Opening of China". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 3 (95): 561–562.
  312. ^ Burgess, Alan (1957). The Small Woman. New York, Dutton. p. 47.
  313. ^ Austin, Alvyn (2007). China's Millions: The China Inland Mission and Late Qing Society, 1832-1905. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8028-2975-7.
  314. ^ Wu, Yulin (1995). Memories of Dr. Wu Lien-teh, Plague Fighter. World Scientific. p. 68. ISBN 981-02-2287-4.
  315. ^ Ruokanen & Huang (2011), p. 171, ch. "The Impact of Contemporary Chinese Folk Religions on Christianity".
  316. ^ Madsen (2010), p. 66.
  317. ^ Overmyer (2003), p. 185.
  318. ^ Francis Ching-Wah Yip in Miller, 2006, p. 185.
  319. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), p. 145.
  320. ^ "Global Christianity – A Report on the Size and Distribution of the World's Christian Population" (PDF). Pew Research Center.
  321. ^ The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life: "Global Christianity: A Report on the Size and Distribution of the World's Christian Population - Appendix C: Methodology for China"
  322. ^ "《中国保障宗教信仰自由的政策和实践》白皮书(全文)". 3 April 2018. Archived from the original on 8 May 2018. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
  323. ^ "Uncovering China's Korean Christians". Dui Hua (46). Winter 2012. Archived from the original on 26 December 2016.
  324. ^ a b c d Carpenter, Joel; Den Dulk, Kevin R., eds. (2004). Christianity in Chinese Public Life: Religion, Society, and the Rule of Law. Palgrave Pivot. ISBN 1-137-42787-6.
  325. ^ "Understanding the rapid rise of Charismatic Christianity in Southeast Asia". Singapore Management University. 27 October 2017.
  326. ^ "Christianity in China". Council on Foreign Relations.
  327. ^ "Protestant Christianity is booming in China". The Economist. 15 September 2020.
  328. ^ "Christianity in China". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 2 February 2021.
  329. ^ "China cracks down on religion, crosses burned at Christian churches, Xi Jinping photos installed". ABC News. Australia. 25 September 2018.
  330. ^ Cheng, June. "Expelled from China". world.wng.org. Archived from the original on 2 April 2019. Retrieved 19 May 2019.
  331. ^ Hernández, Javier C.; Tseaug, Crystal (27 August 2015). "Hong Kong Christians Draw New Scrutiny From Mainland". The New York Times.
  332. ^ "Vatican and China sign agreement on bishop appointments". the Guardian. Vilnius. Reuters. 22 September 2018. Retrieved 2 February 2021.
  333. ^ "Vatican announces deal with China on bishop appointments". NBC News. 22 September 2018. Retrieved 2 February 2021.
  334. ^ Lipman, Jonathan Newman (1997). Familiar Strangers, a History of Muslims in Northwest China. University of Washington Press. p. 25. ISBN 0-295-97644-6.
  335. ^ a b c Gernet, Jacques (1996). A History of Chinese Civilization. Vol. 2. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-49712-4.
  336. ^ Goldman, Merle (1986). "Religion in Post-Mao China". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 1 (486): 145–156.
  337. ^ Xu Xin (2004). "Jewish Diaspora in China". In Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (eds.). Encyclopedia of Diasporas. Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Vol. I. Springer. pp. 152–163. ISBN 0-306-48321-1.
  338. ^ Official website: "China Judaic Studies Association".
  339. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Huang, Xinchuan (1986). "Hinduism and China". In K. Satchidananda Murty; R. Balasubramanian; Sibajiban Bhattacharyya (eds.). Freedom, Progress, and Society: Essays in Honour of Professor K. Satchidananda Murty. Motilal Banarsidass Publisher. ISBN 81-208-0262-4.
  340. ^ Sutirtho Patranobis (1 September 2016). "Lord Krishna's popularity rising in Communist China". Hindustan Times. Archived from the original on 14 January 2018.
  341. ^ Lieu, Samuel N. C.; Perry, Ken (26 September 2013). "Manichaean and (Nestorian) Christian Remains in Zayton (Quanzhou, South China)". Macquarie University. Archived from the original on 8 August 2014. ARC DP0557098.
  342. ^ Ching (1993), pp. 172–174.
  343. ^ a b c d e Lieu, Sammuel L.C. (2002). "Manicheism v. in China". Encyclopædia Iranica. Archived from the original on 17 November 2017.
  344. ^ a b c Ching (1993), p. 173.
  345. ^ Lieu, Sammuel L. C. (1980). Polemics Against Manichaeism as a Subversive Cult in Sung China (A.D. c. 960 – c. 1200). John Rylands University Library of Manchester. ISBN 0-905578-49-X.
  346. ^ Char Yar (2012). Monijiao (Manichaeism) in China. Worldwide Conference for Historical Research.
  347. ^ Lawrence, Lee (3 September 2011). "A Mysterious Stranger in China". The Wall Street Journal.
  348. ^ a b Ching (1993), p. 171.
  349. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Stausberg, Michael; Vevaina, Yuhan Sohrab-Dinshaw (2015). The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Zoroastrianism. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-78627-7.
  350. ^ Stalker, Nancy K. (2008). Prophet Motive: Deguchi Onisaburō, Oomoto, and the Rise of New Religions in Imperial Japan. University of Hawaii Press. p. 164. ISBN 978-0-8248-3226-1.
  351. ^ Grim, Brian J.; Finke, Roger (2010). The Price of Freedom Denied: Religious Persecution and Conflict in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49241-6. Seeking a complete annihilation of religion, places of worship were shut down; temples, synagogues, churches, and mosques were destroyed; artifacts were smashed; sacred texts were burnt; and it was a criminal offence even to possess a religious artifact or sacred text. Atheism had long been the official doctrine of the Chinese Communist Party, but this new form of militant atheism made every effort to eradicate religion completely.
  352. ^ Pittman, Don Alvin (2001). Toward a Modern Chinese Buddhism: Taixu's Reforms. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-2231-6. Yet in the first years after Liberation there were places in China where monasteries were destroyed, monks were beaten or killed, copies of the Buddhist canon were burned, and sacred images were melted down for their metal.
  353. ^ Noack, Rick (14 April 2015). "Map: These are the world's least religious countries". The Washington Post. China tops the list of the world's least religious nations by far; it's followed by countries in Europe – about three fourth of all Swedish and Czech also said that they were either atheists or not religious. Although China's society has deep religious traditions, decades of Communist rule have installed a widespread atheistic materialism that still surprises many visitors.
  354. ^ Juergensmeyer, Mark (2005). Juergensmeyer, Mark (ed.). Religion in Global Civil Society. Oxford University Press. p. 70. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.001.0001. ISBN 0-19-518835-7.
  355. ^ Chen (2012), p. 127.
  356. ^ Zuckerman, Phil (2009). Atheism and Secularity. ABC-CLIO. p. 213.

Works cited

Further reading