Разновидности арабского языка (или диалекты или местные языки) являются языковыми системами, на которых говорят носители арабского языка как на родном языке. [2] Арабский язык является семитским языком в пределах афразийской семьи , которая возникла на Аравийском полуострове . Существуют значительные различия от региона к региону, со степенями взаимной понятности , которые часто связаны с географическим расстоянием, а некоторые из них являются взаимно непонятными . Многие аспекты изменчивости, засвидетельствованные в этих современных вариантах, можно найти в древних арабских диалектах на полуострове. Аналогичным образом, многие из особенностей, которые характеризуют (или отличают) различные современные варианты, можно отнести к первоначальным диалектам поселенцев, а также к местным языкам и диалектам. Некоторые организации, такие как SIL International , считают эти приблизительно 30 различных вариантов отдельными языками, в то время как другие, такие как Библиотека Конгресса , считают их все диалектами арабского языка. [3]
С точки зрения социолингвистики , существует важное различие между формальным стандартизированным языком, который в основном встречается в письменной форме или в подготовленной речи, и широко расходящимся языком , который используется в повседневных речевых ситуациях. Последние различаются от страны к стране, от говорящего к говорящему (в зависимости от личных предпочтений, образования и культуры), а также в зависимости от темы и ситуации. Другими словами, арабский язык в своей естественной среде обычно находится в ситуации диглоссии , что означает, что его носители часто изучают и используют две языковые формы, существенно отличающиеся друг от друга: современный стандартный арабский язык (часто называемый MSA в английском языке) в качестве официального языка и местный разговорный вариант (называемый العامية , al-ʿāmmiyya во многих арабских странах, [a] что означает « сленг » или «разговорный»; или называемый الدارجة , ad-dārija , что означает «общий или повседневный язык» в Магрибе [7] ), в различных аспектах своей жизни.
Наибольшие различия между классическим/стандартным и разговорным арабским языком заключаются в потере грамматического падежа ; ином и строгом порядке слов; потере предыдущей системы грамматического наклонения наряду с развитием новой системы; потере склоняемого страдательного залога , за исключением нескольких реликтовых разновидностей; ограничении в использовании двойственного числа и (для большинства разновидностей) потере отличительного спряжения и согласования для женского множественного числа . Многие арабские диалекты, в частности магрибский арабский , также имеют значительные сдвиги гласных и необычные кластеры согласных . В отличие от других диалектных групп, в магрибской арабской группе глаголы первого лица единственного числа начинаются с n- ( ن ). Существуют также существенные различия между бедуинской и оседлой речью, сельской местностью и крупными городами, этническими группами, религиозными группами, социальными классами, мужчинами и женщинами, молодыми и старыми. Эти различия в некоторой степени преодолимы. Часто носители арабского языка могут корректировать свою речь различными способами в зависимости от контекста и своих намерений, например, чтобы общаться с людьми из разных регионов, продемонстрировать уровень своего образования или использовать авторитет разговорного языка.
С точки зрения типологической классификации арабские диалектологи различают две основные нормы: бедуинскую и оседлую. Это основано на наборе фонологических, морфологических и синтаксических характеристик, которые различают эти две нормы. Однако на самом деле невозможно сохранить эту классификацию, отчасти потому, что современные диалекты, особенно городские варианты, обычно объединяют черты обеих норм. Географически современные арабские варианты подразделяются на пять групп: магрибская , египетская (включая египетскую и суданскую ), месопотамская , левантийская и полуостровная арабская . [2] [9] Носители языка из отдаленных районов, через национальные границы, внутри стран и даже между городами и деревнями могут испытывать трудности в понимании диалектов друг друга. [10]
Классификация
Географическое распространение разновидностей арабского языка (исключая еврейский иудео-арабский) по данным Ethnologue и другим источникам :
Малонаселенная территория или отсутствие коренных носителей арабского языка
Сплошная заливка: вариант, являющийся родным для не менее 25% населения данной области, или вариант, являющийся родным только для данной области
Заштрихованная область: меньшинство, разбросанное по области
Заполненная точками область: носители этого варианта языка смешиваются с носителями других вариантов арабского языка в этом районе.
Региональные сорта
Наибольшие различия между видами арабского языка наблюдаются между региональными языковыми группами. Раньше арабские диалектологи различали только две группы: машрикские (восточные) диалекты, к востоку от Ливии, которые включают диалекты Аравийского полуострова , Месопотамии , Леванта , Египта , Судана , и магрибские (западные) диалекты, которые включают диалекты Северной Африки ( Магриба ) к западу от Египта . [11] Взаимопонимание высоко внутри каждой из этих двух групп, в то время как понимание между двумя группами асимметрично : говорящие на магрибском языке с большей вероятностью поймут машрикский, чем наоборот. [ требуется ссылка ]
Арабские диалектологи в настоящее время приняли более подробную классификацию современных вариантов языка, которая делится на пять основных групп: полуостровная , месопотамская , левантийская , египетско-суданская или языки долины Нила (включая египетский и суданский ) и магрибская . [2] [10]
Эти большие региональные группы не соответствуют границам современных государств. В западных частях арабского мира разновидности называются الدارجة ad-dārija , а в восточных частях — العامية al-ʿāmmiyya . Близлежащие разновидности арабского языка в основном взаимно понятны , но далекие разновидности, как правило, нет. Разновидности к западу от Египта особенно разнородны: носители египетского арабского языка заявляют о трудностях в понимании носителей североафриканского арабского языка, в то время как способность носителей североафриканского арабского языка понимать других носителей арабского языка в основном обусловлена широкой популярностью египетских и левантийских популярных СМИ (например, сирийских или ливанских телешоу). Это явление называется асимметричной понятностью .
Одним из факторов дифференциации вариантов является влияние других языков, на которых говорили ранее или говорят в настоящее время в данном регионе, таких как
Еврейские варианты находятся под влиянием иврита и арамейского языка. Хотя они имеют схожие черты, они не являются однородной единицей и по-прежнему принадлежат филологически к тем же семейным группам, что и их неиудейские аналоги.
На протяжении всей истории существовало множество арабских пиджинов и креолов , включая ряд новых, появляющихся сегодня. Их можно в целом разделить на суданские пиджины и креолы, которые имеют общее происхождение, и зарождающиеся иммигрантские пиджины.
Арабский язык характеризуется большим количеством разновидностей; однако носители арабского языка часто способны манипулировать своей речью в зависимости от обстоятельств. Может быть несколько мотивов для изменения речи: формальность ситуации, необходимость общаться с людьми с разными диалектами, получить социальное одобрение, отделить себя от слушателя, при цитировании письменного текста провести различие между личными и профессиональными или общими вопросами, прояснить вопрос и перейти к новой теме. [14]
Важным фактором смешения или изменения арабского языка является концепция престижного диалекта . Это относится к уровню уважения, оказываемого языку или диалекту в языковом сообществе. Официальный арабский язык имеет значительный престиж в большинстве арабоязычных сообществ, в зависимости от контекста. Однако это не единственный источник престижа. [15] Многие исследования показали, что для большинства носителей существует престижная разновидность разговорного арабского языка. В Египте для некаирцев престижным диалектом является каирский арабский. Для иорданских женщин бедуинского или сельского происхождения это могут быть городские диалекты больших городов, особенно включая столицу Амман. [16] Более того, в определенных контекстах диалект, относительно отличающийся от формального арабского языка, может иметь больший престиж, чем диалект, более близкий к формальному языку, — например, так обстоит дело в Бахрейне. [17]
Язык смешивается и изменяется по-разному. Арабские носители часто используют более одного варианта арабского языка в разговоре или даже в предложении. Этот процесс называется переключением кодов . Например, женщина в телевизионной программе может апеллировать к авторитету формального языка, используя его элементы в своей речи, чтобы другие говорящие не перебили ее. Другой работающий процесс — «выравнивание», «устранение очень локализованных диалектных особенностей в пользу более регионально общих». Это может повлиять на все языковые уровни — семантический, синтаксический, фонологический и т. д. [18] Изменение может быть временным, как когда общается группа носителей с существенно отличающимся арабским языком, или оно может быть постоянным, как часто случается, когда люди из сельской местности переезжают в город и принимают более престижный городской диалект, возможно, в течение пары поколений.
Этот процесс приспособления иногда апеллирует к формальному языку, но часто нет. Например, жители деревень в центральной Палестине могут попытаться использовать диалект Иерусалима вместо своего собственного, общаясь с людьми с существенно отличающимися диалектами, особенно потому, что они могут иметь очень слабое понимание формального языка. [19] В другом примере группы образованных носителей языка из разных регионов часто используют диалектные формы, которые представляют собой промежуточное положение между их диалектами, вместо того, чтобы пытаться использовать формальный язык, чтобы сделать общение более простым и понятным. Например, чтобы выразить экзистенциальное « есть» (например, «есть место, где...»), носители арабского языка имеют доступ ко многим различным словам:
Ирак и Кувейт: /aku/
Египет, Левант и большая часть Аравийского полуострова: /fiː/
Тунис: /famːa/
Марокко и Алжир: /kajn/
Йемен: /бех/
Современный стандартный арабский язык: /hunaːk/
В этом случае /fiː/, скорее всего, будет использоваться, поскольку он не связан с определенным регионом и является наиболее близким к диалектной середине для этой группы носителей. Более того, учитывая распространенность фильмов и телешоу на египетском арабском языке, все носители, вероятно, знакомы с ним. [20] Иракское/кувейтское aku , левантийское fīh и североафриканское kayn — все они произошли от классических арабских форм ( yakūn , fīhi , kā'in соответственно), но теперь звучат по-разному.
Иногда определенный диалект может ассоциироваться с отсталостью и не пользоваться авторитетом в обществе, однако его продолжают использовать, поскольку он обладает неким скрытым авторитетом и служит для дифференциации одной группы от другой, когда это необходимо.
Типологические различия
Основное различие, которое пронизывает всю географию арабоязычного мира , — это оседлые и кочевые диалекты (часто ошибочно называемые бедуинскими ). Это различие вытекает из моделей расселения в результате арабских завоеваний. По мере завоевания регионов были созданы военные лагеря, которые в конечном итоге превратились в города, а затем постепенно последовало заселение сельских районов кочевыми арабами. В некоторых областях оседлые диалекты делятся далее на городские и сельские варианты. [ необходима цитата ]
Наиболее очевидным фонетическим различием между двумя группами является произношение буквы ق qaf , которая произносится как звонкий /ɡ/ в городских диалектах Аравийского полуострова (например, диалект Хиджази в древних городах Мекка и Медина ), а также в бедуинских диалектах во всех арабоязычных странах, но является глухой в основном в постарабизированных городских центрах как /q/ (при этом [ɡ] является аллофоном в нескольких словах, в основном в городах Северной Африки ) или /ʔ/ (слияние ⟨ ق ⟩ с ⟨ ء ⟩ ) в городских центрах Египта и Леванта . Последние в основном были арабизированы после исламских завоеваний .
Наиболее существенные различия между сельским арабским и несельским арабским языками заключаются в синтаксисе. В частности, оседлые разновидности разделяют ряд общих нововведений из CA. [ указать ] Это привело к предположению, впервые высказанному Чарльзом Фергюсоном , что упрощенный язык койне развился в армейских лагерях в Ираке, откуда были завоеваны оставшиеся части современного арабского мира. [ необходима цитата ]
В целом сельские разновидности более консервативны, чем оседлые разновидности, а сельские разновидности в пределах Аравийского полуострова еще более консервативны, чем в других местах. В пределах оседлых разновидностей западные разновидности (особенно марокканский арабский ) менее консервативны, чем восточные разновидности. [ необходима цитата ]
В ряде городов арабского мира говорят на «бедуинском» диалекте, который приобретает престиж в этом контексте. [ необходима цитата ]
Истинные произношения различаются; транслитерации, используемые для приближения к приблизительной демонстрации. Кроме того, произношение современного стандартного арабского языка значительно отличается от региона к региону.
Другие региональные различия
«Периферийные» разновидности арабского языка — то есть разновидности, на которых говорят в странах, где арабский язык не является доминирующим языком и языком межнационального общения (например, Турция , Иран , Кипр , Чад , Нигерия и Эритрея ) — особенно расходятся в некоторых отношениях, особенно в их словарном запасе, поскольку они в меньшей степени подвержены влиянию классического арабского языка. Однако исторически они попадают в те же диалектные классификации, что и разновидности, на которых говорят в странах, где арабский язык является доминирующим. Поскольку большинство этих периферийных диалектов находятся в странах с мусульманским большинством, в настоящее время они подвержены влиянию классического арабского языка и современного стандартного арабского языка, арабских разновидностей Корана и их арабоязычных соседей соответственно.
Арабские пиджины (имеющие ограниченный словарный запас, состоящий в основном из арабских слов, но лишенные большинства арабских морфологических черт) широко используются вдоль южного края Сахары и уже долгое время. В одиннадцатом веке средневековый географ аль-Бакри записывает текст на арабском пиджине, вероятно, на котором говорили в регионе, соответствующем современной Мавритании . В некоторых регионах, особенно вокруг Южного Судана , пиджины креолизованы ( см. список ниже).
Иммигранты, говорящие на арабском языке, часто включают в свою речь значительное количество лексики из языка принимающей страны, что аналогично ситуации со спанглишом в Соединенных Штатах.
Даже в странах, где официальным языком является арабский, говорят на разных вариантах арабского языка. Например, в Сирии арабский язык, на котором говорят в Хомсе, признается отличным от арабского языка, на котором говорят в Дамаске, но оба считаются разновидностями «левантийского» арабского языка. А в Марокко арабский язык города Фес считается отличным от арабского языка, на котором говорят в других частях страны.
Взаимопонимание
Географически удаленные разговорные варианты обычно различаются настолько, что становятся взаимно непонятными , и некоторые лингвисты считают их отдельными языками. [21] Однако исследования Трентмана и Шири указывают на высокую степень взаимопонимания между близкородственными вариантами арабского языка для носителей языка, слушающих слова, предложения и тексты; и между более отдаленно связанными диалектами в ситуациях взаимодействия. [22]
Египетский арабский язык является одним из наиболее широко понимаемых диалектов арабского языка благодаря процветающей египетской теле- и киноиндустрии, а также весьма влиятельной роли Египта в регионе на протяжении большей части 20-го века. [23] [24] [25]
Формальные и разговорные различия
Другой способ, которым различаются разновидности арабского языка, заключается в том, что некоторые из них являются формальными, а другие — разговорными (то есть просторечными). Существует две формальные разновидности, или اللغة الفصحى al-lugha(t) al-fuṣḥá , одна из них, известная в английском языке как современный стандартный арабский язык ( MSA ), используется в таких контекстах, как письмо, вещание, интервьюирование и произнесение речей. Другая, классический арабский язык, является языком Корана . Он редко используется, за исключением чтения Корана или цитирования старых классических текстов. [26] (Арабоговорящие обычно не делают явного различия между MSA и классическим арабским языком.) Современный стандартный арабский язык был намеренно разработан в начале 19-го века как модернизированная версия классического арабского языка.
People often use a mixture of both colloquial and formal Arabic. For example, interviewers or speechmakers generally use MSA in asking prepared questions or making prepared remarks, then switch to a colloquial variety to add a spontaneous comment or respond to a question. The ratio of MSA to colloquial varieties depends on the speaker, the topic, and the situation—amongst other factors. Today even the least educated citizens are exposed to MSA through public education and exposure to mass media, and so tend to use elements of it in speaking to others.[27] This is an example of what linguistics researchers call diglossia. See Linguistic register.
Arabic diglossia diagram according to El-Said Badawi a-b: fuṣḥā end c-d: colloquial (‘āmmiyya) end a-g-e and e-h-b: pure fuṣḥā c-g-f and f-h-d: pure colloquial e-g-f-h: overlap of fuṣḥā and colloquial a-g-c and b-h-d: foreign (dakhīl) influence
Egyptian linguist Al-Said Badawi proposed the following distinctions between the different "levels of speech" involved when speakers of Egyptian Arabic switch between vernacular and formal Arabic varieties:
فصحى التراثfuṣḥá at-turāṯ, 'heritage classical': The Classical Arabic of Arab literary heritage and the Qur'an. This is primarily a written language, but it is heard in spoken form at the mosque or in religious programmes on television, but with a modernized pronunciation.
فصحى العصرfuṣḥá al-ʿaṣr, 'contemporary classical' or 'modernized classical': This is what Western linguists call Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). It is a modification and simplification of Classical Arabic that was deliberately created for the modern age. Consequently, it includes many newly coined words, either adapted from Classical Arabic (much as European scholars during the Renaissance coined new English words by adapting words from Latin), or borrowed from foreign, chiefly European, languages. Although it is principally a written language, it is spoken when people read aloud from prepared texts. Highly skilled speakers can also produce it spontaneously, though this typically occurs only in the context of media broadcasts – particularly in talk and debate programs on pan-Arab television networks such as Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya – where the speakers want to be simultaneously understood by Arabic speakers in all the various countries where these networks' target audiences live. If highly skilled speakers use it spontaneously, it is spoken when Arabic speakers of different dialects communicate with each other. Commonly used as a written language, it is found in most books, newspapers, magazines, official documents, and reading primers for small children; it is also used as another version of literary form of the Qur'an and in modernized revisions of writings from Arab literary heritage.
عامية المثقفينʿāmmiyyat al-muṯaqqafīn, 'colloquial of the cultured' (also called Educated Spoken Arabic, Formal Spoken Arabic, or Spoken MSA by other authors[28]): This is a vernacular dialect that has been heavily influenced by MSA, i.e. borrowed words from MSA (this is similar to the literary Romance languages, wherein scores of words were borrowed directly from Classical Latin); loanwords from MSA replace or are sometimes used alongside native words evolved from Classical Arabic in colloquial dialects. It tends to be used in serious discussions by well-educated people, but is generally not used in writing except informally. It includes a large number of foreign loanwords, chiefly relating to the technical and theoretical subjects it is used to discuss, sometimes used in non-intellectual topics. Because it can generally be understood by listeners who speak varieties of Arabic different from those of the speaker's country of origin, it is often used on television, and it is also becoming the language of instruction at universities.
عامية المتنورينʿāmmiyyat al-mutanawwarīn 'colloquial of the basically educated': This is the everyday language that people use in informal contexts, and that is heard on television when non-intellectual topics are being discussed. It is characterized, according to Badawi, by high levels of borrowing. Educated speakers usually code-switch between ʿāmmiyyat al-muṯaqqafīn and ʿāmmiyyat al-mutanawwarīn.
عامية الأميينʿāmmiyyat al-ʾummiyyīn, 'colloquial of the illiterates': This is very colloquial speech characterized by the absence of any influence from MSA and by relatively little foreign borrowing. These varieties are the almost entirely naturally evolved direct descendants of Classical Arabic.
Almost everyone in Egypt is able to use more than one of these levels of speech, and people often switch between them, sometimes within the same sentence. This is generally true in other Arabic-speaking countries as well.[29]
The spoken dialects of Arabic have occasionally been written, usually in the Arabic alphabet. Vernacular Arabic was first recognized as a written language distinct from Classical Arabic in 17th century Ottoman Egypt, when the Cairo elite began to trend towards colloquial writing. A record of the Cairo vernacular of the time is found in the dictionary compiled by Yusuf al-Maghribi. More recently, many plays and poems, as well as a few other works exist in Lebanese Arabic and Egyptian Arabic; books of poetry, at least, exist for most varieties. In Algeria, colloquial Maghrebi Arabic was taught as a separate subject under French colonization, and some textbooks exist. Mizrahi Jews throughout the Arab world who spoke Judeo-Arabic dialects rendered newspapers, letters, accounts, stories, and translations of some parts of their liturgy in the Hebrew alphabet, adding diacritics and other conventions for letters that exist in Judeo-Arabic but not Hebrew. The Latin alphabet was advocated for Lebanese Arabic by Said Aql, whose supporters published several books in his transcription. In 1944, Abdelaziz Pasha Fahmi, a member of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Egypt proposed the replacement of the Arabic alphabet with the Latin alphabet. His proposal was discussed in two sessions in the communion but was rejected, and faced strong opposition in cultural circles.[30] The Latin alphabet (as "Arabizi") is used by Arabic speakers over the Internet or for sending messages via cellular phones when the Arabic alphabet is unavailable or difficult to use for technical reasons;[31] this is also used in Modern Standard Arabic when Arabic speakers of different dialects communicate each other.
Linguistic distance to MSA
Three scientific papers concluded, using various natural language processing techniques, that Levantine dialects (and especially Palestinian) were the closest colloquial varieties, in terms of lexical similarity, to Modern Standard Arabic: Harrat et al. (2015, comparing MSA to two Algerian dialects, Tunisian, Palestinian, and Syrian),[32] El-Haj et al. (2018, comparing MSA to Egyptian, Levantine, Gulf, and North African Arabic),[33] and Abu Kwaik et al. (2018, comparing MSA to Algerian, Tunisian, Palestinian, Syrian, Jordanian, and Egyptian).[34]
Sociolinguistic variables
Sociolinguistics is the study of how language usage is affected by societal factors, e.g., cultural norms and contexts (see also pragmatics). The following sections examine some of the ways that modern Arab societies influence how Arabic is spoken.
Religion
The religion of Arabic speakers is sometimes involved in shaping how they speak Arabic. As is the case with other variables, religion cannot be seen in isolation. It is generally connected with the political systems in the different countries. Religion in the Arab world is not usually seen as an individual choice. Rather, it is matter of group affiliation: one is born a Muslim (and even either Sunni or Shiite among them), Christian, Druze or Jew, and this becomes a bit like one's ethnicity. Religion as a sociolinguistic variable should be understood in this context.[35]
Bahrain provides an excellent illustration. A major distinction can be made between the Shiite Bahraini, who are the oldest population of Bahrain, and the Sunni population that began to immigrate to Bahrain in the 18th century. The Sunni form a minority of the population but the ruling family of Bahrain is Sunni and the colloquial language represented on TV is almost invariably that of the Sunni population. Therefore, power, prestige and financial control are associated with the Sunni Arabs. This is having a major effect on the direction of language change in Bahrain.[36]
The case of Iraq also illustrates how there can be significant differences in how Arabic is spoken on the basis of religion. The study referred to here was conducted before the Iraq War. In Baghdad, there are significant linguistic differences between Arabic Christian and Muslim inhabitants of the city. The Christians of Baghdad are a well-established community, and their dialect has evolved from the sedentary vernacular of urban medieval Iraq. The typical Muslim dialect of Baghdad is a more recent arrival in the city and comes from Bedouin speech instead. In Baghdad, as elsewhere in the Arab world, the various communities share MSA as a prestige dialect, but the Muslim colloquial dialect is associated with power and money, given that that community is the more dominant. Therefore, the Christian population of the city learns to use the Muslim dialect in more formal situations, for example, when a Christian school teacher is trying to call students in the class to order.[37]
^In Egypt, when there is a need to transcribe /ʒ/ or (also a reduction of /d͡ʒ/), is approximated to [ʒ] using چ.
^/g/ is not part of the phonemic inventory in most of urban Levantine dialects, but it's phonemic in some as in Amman's and Gaza's dialects where چ is pronounced /g/ or /ʔ/ depending on the speaker. چ is also a possible alternative in Lebanon.
^/t͡ʃ/ is a native phoneme/allophone only in Iraqi, Gulf and some rural Levantine dialects, and foreign in most other dialects.
^/p/ and /v/ never natively appear as phonemes in Arabic dialects, and they are always restricted to loanwords, with their usage depending on the speaker and they can be pronounced /b/ and /f/. In general; most speakers can pronounce /v/, but cannot pronounce /p/.
Morphology and syntax
All varieties, sedentary and nomadic, differ in the following ways from Classical Arabic (CA)
Loss of original mood distinctions other than the indicative and imperative (i.e., subjunctive, jussive, energetic I, energetic II).
The dialects differ in how exactly the new indicative was developed from the old forms. The sedentary dialects adopted the old subjunctive forms (feminine /iː/, masculine plural /uː/), while many of the Bedouin dialects adopted the old indicative forms (feminine /iːna/, masculine plural /uːna/).
The sedentary dialects subsequently developed new mood distinctions; see below.
Loss of dual marking everywhere except on nouns.
A frozen dual persists as the regular plural marking of a small number of words that normally come in pairs (e.g., eyes, hands, parents).
In addition, a productive dual marking on nouns exists in most dialects (Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic are exceptions). This dual marking differs syntactically from the frozen dual in that it cannot take possessive suffixes. In addition, it differs morphologically from the frozen dual in various dialects, such as Levantine Arabic.
The productive dual differs from CA in that its use is optional, whereas the use of the CA dual was mandatory even in cases of implicitly dual reference.
The CA dual was marked not only on nouns, but also on verbs, adjectives, pronouns and demonstratives; the dual in those varieties that have them is analyzed as plural for agreement with verbs, adjectives, pronouns, and demonstratives.
Development of an analytic genitive construction to rival the constructed genitive.
Compare the similar development of shel in Modern Hebrew.
The Bedouin dialects make the least use of the analytic genitive. Moroccan Arabic makes the most use of it, to the extent that the constructed genitive is no longer productive, and used only in certain relatively frozen constructions.
The relative pronoun is no longer inflected.
In CA, it took gender, number and case endings.
Pronominal clitics ending in a short vowel moved the vowel before the consonant.
Hence, second singular /-ak/ and /-ik/ rather than /-ka/ and /-ki/; third singular masculine /-uh/ rather than /-hu/.
Similarly, the feminine plural verbal marker /-na/ became /-an/.
Because of the absolute prohibition in all Arabic dialects against having two vowels in hiatus, the above changes occurred only when a consonant preceded the ending. When a vowel preceded, the forms either remained as-is or lost the final vowel, becoming /-k/, /-ki/, /-h/ and /-n/, respectively. Combined with other phonetic changes, this resulted in multiple forms for each clitic (up to three), depending on the phonetic environment.
The verbal markers /-tu/ (first singular) and /-ta/ (second singular masculine) both became /-t/, while second singular feminine /-ti/ remained. Mesopotamian dialects in southeastern Turkey are an exception for they retain the ending /-tu/ for first person singular.
In the dialect of southern Nejd (including Riyadh), the second singular masculine /-ta/ has been retained, but takes the form of a long vowel rather than a short one as in CA.
The forms given here were the original forms, and have often suffered various changes in the modern dialects.
All of these changes were triggered by the loss of final short vowels (see below).
Various simplifications have occurred in the range of variation in verbal paradigms.
Third-weak verbs with radical /w/ and radical /j/ (traditionally transliterated y) have merged in the form I perfect tense. They had already merged in CA, except in form I.
Form I perfect faʕula verbs have disappeared, often merging with faʕila.
Doubled verbs now have the same endings as third-weak verbs.
Some endings of third-weak verbs have been replaced by those of the strong verbs (or vice versa, in some dialects).
All dialects except some Bedouin dialects of the Arabian peninsula share the following innovations from CA
Loss of the inflected passive (i.e., marked through internal vowel change) in finite verb forms.
New passives have often been developed by co-opting the original reflexive formations in CA, particularly verb forms V, VI and VII (In CA these were derivational, not inflectional, as neither their existence nor exact meaning could be depended upon; however, they have often been incorporated into the inflectional system, especially in more innovative sedentary dialects).
Hassaniya Arabic contains a newly developed inflected passive that looks somewhat like the old CA passive.
Najdi Arabic has retained the inflected passive up to the modern era, though this feature is on its way to extinction as a result of the influence of other dialects.
Loss of the indefinite /n/ suffix (tanwiin) on nouns.
When this marker still appears, it is variously /an/, /in/, or /en/.
In some Bedouin dialects it still marks indefiniteness on any noun, although this is optional and often used only in oral poetry.
In other dialects it marks indefiniteness on post-modified nouns (by adjectives or relative clauses).
All Arabic dialects preserve a form of the CA adverbial accusative /an/ suffix, which was originally a tanwiin marker.
Loss of verb form IV, the causative.
Verb form II sometimes gives causatives, but is not productive.
Uniform use of /i/ in imperfect verbal prefixes.
CA had /u/ before form II, III and IV active, and before all passives, and /a/ elsewhere.
Some Bedouin dialects in the Arabian peninsula have uniform /a/.
Najdi Arabic has /a/ when the following vowel is /i/, and /i/ when the following vowel is /a/.
All sedentary dialects share the following additional innovations
Loss of a separately distinguished feminine plural in verbs, pronouns and demonstratives. This is usually lost in adjectives as well.
Development of a new indicative-subjunctive distinction.
The indicative is marked by a prefix, while the subjunctive lacks this.
The prefix is /b/ or /bi/ in Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, but /ka/ or /ta/ in Moroccan Arabic. It is not infrequent to encounter /ħa/ as an indicative prefix in some Persian Gulf states; and, in South Arabian Arabic (viz. Yemen), /ʕa/ is used in the north around the San'aa region, and /ʃa/ is used in the southwest region of Ta'iz.
Loss of /h/ in the third-person masculine enclitic pronoun, when attached to a word ending in a consonant.
The form is usually /u/ or /o/ in sedentary dialects, but /ah/ or /ih/ in Bedouin dialects.
After a vowel, the bare form /h/ is used, but in many sedentary dialects the /h/ is lost here as well. In Egyptian Arabic, for example, this pronoun is marked in this case only by lengthening of the final vowel and concomitant stress shift onto it, but the "h" reappears when followed by another suffix.
ramā "he threw it"
maramahūʃ "he didn't throw it"
The following innovations are characteristic of many or most sedentary dialects
Agreement (verbal, adjectival) with inanimate plurals is plural, rather than feminine singular or feminine plural, as in CA.
Development of a circumfixnegative marker on the verb, involving a prefix /ma-/ and a suffix /-ʃ/.
In combination with the fusion of the indirect object and the development of new mood markers, this results in morpheme-rich verbal complexes that can approach polysynthetic languages in their complexity.
In Egyptian, Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic, the distinction between active and passive participles has disappeared except in form I and in some Classical borrowings.
These dialects tend to use form V and VI active participles as the passive participles of forms II and III.
In the imperfect, Maghrebi Arabic has replaced first person singular /ʔ-/ with /n-/, and the first person plural, originally marked by /n-/ alone, is also marked by the /-u/ suffix of the other plural forms.
Moroccan Arabic has greatly rearranged the system of verbal derivation, so that the traditional system of forms I through X is not applicable without some stretching. It would be more accurate to describe its verbal system as consisting of two major types, triliteral and quadriliteral, each with a mediopassive variant marked by a prefixal /t-/ or /tt-/.
The triliteral type encompasses traditional form I verbs (strong: /ktəb/ "write"; geminate: /ʃəmm/ "smell"; hollow: /biʕ/ "sell", /qul/ "say", /xaf/ "fear"; weak /ʃri/ "buy", /ħbu/ "crawl", /bda/ "begin"; irregular: /kul/-/kla/ "eat", /ddi/ "take away", /ʒi/ "come").
The quadriliteral type encompasses strong [CA form II, quadriliteral form I]: /sˤrˤfəq/ "slap", /hrrəs/ "break", /hrnən/ "speak nasally"; hollow-2 [CA form III, non-CA]: /ʕajən/ "wait", /ɡufəl/ "inflate", /mixəl/ "eat" (slang); hollow-3 [CA form VIII, IX]: /xtˤarˤ/ "choose", /ħmarˤ/ "redden"; weak [CA form II weak, quadriliteral form I weak]: /wrri/ "show", /sˤqsˤi/ "inquire"; hollow-2-weak [CA form III weak, non-CA weak]: /sali/ "end", /ruli/ "roll", /tiri/ "shoot"; irregular: /sˤifətˤ/-/sˤafətˤ/ "send".
There are also a certain number of quinquiliteral or longer verbs, of various sorts, e.g. weak: /pidˤali/ "pedal", /blˤani/ "scheme, plan", /fanti/ "dodge, fake"; remnant CA form X: /stəʕməl/ "use", /stahəl/ "deserve"; diminutive: /t-birˤʒəz/ "act bourgeois", /t-biznəs/ "deal in drugs".
Those types corresponding to CA forms VIII and X are rare and completely unproductive, while some of the non-CA types are productive. At one point, form IX significantly increased in productivity over CA, and there are perhaps 50–100 of these verbs currently, mostly stative but not necessarily referring to colors or bodily defects. However, this type is no longer very productive.
Due to the merging of short /a/ and /i/, most of these types show no stem difference between perfect and imperfect, which is probably why the languages has incorporated new types so easily.
The following innovations are characteristic of Egyptian Arabic
Egyptian Arabic, probably under the influence of Coptic, puts the demonstrative pronoun after the noun (/al-Xda/ "this X" instead of CA /haːðaːl-X/) and leaves interrogative pronounsin situ rather than fronting them, as in other dialects.
Phonetics
When it comes to phonetics the Arabic dialects differ in the pronunciation of the short vowels (/a/, /u/ and /i/) and a number of selected consonants, mainly ⟨ق⟩/q/, ⟨ج⟩/d͡ʒ/ and the interdental consonants⟨ث⟩/θ/, ⟨ذ⟩/ð/ and ⟨ظ⟩/ðˤ/, in addition to the dental ⟨ض⟩/dˤ/.
Emphasis spreading
Emphasis spreading is a phenomenon where /a/ is backed to [ɑ] in the vicinity of emphatic consonants. The domain of emphasis spreading is potentially unbounded; in Egyptian Arabic, the entire word is usually affected, although in Levantine Arabic and some other varieties, it is blocked by /i/ or /j/ (and sometimes /ʃ/). It is associated with a concomitant decrease in the amount of pharyngealization of emphatic consonants, so that in some dialects emphasis spreading is the only way to distinguish emphatic consonants from their plain counterparts. It also pharyngealizes consonants between the source consonant and affected vowels, although the effects are much less noticeable than for vowels.
Emphasis spreading does not affect the affrication of non-emphatic /t/ in Moroccan Arabic, with the result that these two phonemes are always distinguishable regardless of the nearby presence of other emphatic phonemes.
Consonants
* in Moroccan the ⟨ج⟩ is sometimes pronounced /g/ in some words as in جلس[gləs] "He sat".
Most dialects of Arabic will use [q] for ⟨ق⟩ in learned words that are borrowed from Standard Arabic into the respective dialect or when Arabs speak Modern Standard Arabic.
The main dialectal variations in Arabic consonants revolve around the six consonants ⟨ج⟩, ⟨ق⟩, ⟨ث⟩, ⟨ذ⟩, ⟨ض⟩ and ⟨ظ⟩.
Classical Arabic ⟨ق⟩/q/ varies widely from a dialect to another with [ɡ], [q] and [ʔ] being the most common:
[q] in most of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, Southern and Western Yemen and parts of Oman, Northern Iraq, parts of the Levant, especially Druze dialects. However, most other dialects of Arabic will use this pronunciation in learned words that are borrowed from Standard Arabic into the respective dialect.
[ʔ] in most of the Levant and Lower Egypt, as well as some North African towns such as Tlemcen and Fez.
other variations include [ɢ] in Sudanese and some forms of Yemeni, [k] In rural Palestinian, [d͡ʒ] in some positions in Iraqi and Gulf Arabic, [ɣ] or [ʁ] in some positions in Sudanese and consonantally in the Yemeni dialect of Yafi', [d͡z] in some positions in Najdi, though this pronunciation is fading in favor of [ɡ].
Classical Arabic ⟨ج⟩/ɟ/ (Modern Standard /d͡ʒ/) varies widely from a dialect to another with [d͡ʒ], [ʒ] and [ɡ] being the most common:
[d͡ʒ] in most of the Arabian peninsula, Algeria, Iraq, Upper Egypt, Sudan, parts of the Levant and Yemen.
other variations include [j] in the Persian Gulf and southern Iraq and coastal Hadhramaut. [ɡʲ] in some ArabianBedouin dialects, and parts of Sudan, as the 8th-century Persian linguist Sibawayh described it.
Classical interdental consonants⟨ث⟩/θ/ and ⟨ذ⟩/ð/ become /t,d/ or /s,z/ in some words in Egypt, Sudan, most of the Levant, parts of the Arabian peninsula (urban Hejaz and parts of Yemen). In Morocco, Algeria and other parts of North Africa they are consistently /t,d/. They remain /θ/ and /ð/ in most of the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Tunisia, parts of Yemen, rural Palestinian, Eastern Libyan, and some rural Algerian dialects. In Arabic-speaking towns of Eastern Turkey (Urfa, Siirt and Mardin), they respectively become /f,v/.
CA /ʔ/ is lost.
When adjacent to vowels, the following simplifications take place, in order:
Because this change had already happened in Meccan Arabic at the time the Qur'an was written, it is reflected in the orthography of written Arabic, where a diacritic known as hamzah is inserted either above an ʾalif, wāw or yāʾ, or "on the line" (between characters); or in certain cases, a diacritic ʾalif maddah (" ʾalif") is inserted over an ʾalif. (As a result, proper spelling of words involving /ʔ/ is probably one of the most difficult issues in Arabic orthography
Modern dialects have smoothed out the morphophonemic variations, typically by losing the associated verbs or moving them into another paradigm (for example, /qaraʔ/ "read" becomes /qara/ or /ʔara/, a third-weak verb).
/ʔ/ has reappeared medially in various words due to borrowing from CA. (In addition, /q/ has become [ʔ] in many dialects, although the two are marginally distinguishable in Egyptian Arabic, since words beginning with original /ʔ/ can elide this sound, whereas words beginning with original /q/ cannot.)
CA /k/ often becomes [t͡ʃ] in the Persian Gulf, Iraq, some Rural Palestinian dialects and in some Bedouin dialects when adjacent to an original /i/, particularly in the second singular feminine enclitic pronoun, where [t͡ʃ] replaces Classical /ik/ or /ki/). In a very few Moroccan varieties, it affricates to /k͡ʃ/. Elsewhere, it remains [k].
CA /r/ is pronounced [ʀ] in a few areas: Mosul, for instance, and the Jewish variety in Algiers. In all of northern Africa, a phonemic distinction has emerged between plain [r] and emphatic [rˤ], thanks to the merging of short vowels.
CA /t/ (but not emphatic CA /tˤ/) is affricated to [t͡s] in Moroccan Arabic; this is still distinguishable from the sequence [ts].
CA /ʕ/) is pronounced in Iraqi Arabic and Kuwaiti Arabic with glottal closure: [ʔˤ]. In some varieties /ʕ/ is devoiced to [ħ] before /h/, for some speakers of Cairene Arabic /bitaʕha/ → /bitaħħa/ (or /bitaʕ̞ħa/) "hers". The residue of this rule applies also in the Maltese language, where neither etymological /h/ nor /ʕ/ are pronounced as such, but give [ħ] in this context: tagħha[taħħa] "hers".
The nature of "emphasis" differs somewhat from variety to variety. It is usually described as a concomitant pharyngealization, but in most sedentary varieties is actually velarization, or a combination of the two. (The phonetic effects of the two are only minimally different from each other.) Usually there is some associated lip rounding; in addition, the stop consonants /t/ and /d/ are dental and lightly aspirated when non-emphatic, but alveolar and completely unaspirated when emphatic.
CA /r/ is also in the process of splitting into emphatic and non-emphatic varieties, with the former causing emphasis spreading, just like other emphatic consonants. Originally, non-emphatic [r] occurred before /i/ or between /i/ and a following consonant, while emphatic [rˤ] occurred mostly near [ɑ].
To a large extent, Western Arabic dialects reflect this, while the situation is rather more complicated in Egyptian Arabic. (The allophonic distribution still exists to a large extent, although not in any predictable fashion; nor is one or the other variety used consistently in different words derived from the same root. Furthermore, although derivational suffixes (in particular, relational /-i/ and /-ijja/) affect a preceding /r/ in the expected fashion, inflectional suffixes do not).
Certain other consonants, depending on the dialect, also cause pharyngealization of adjacent sounds, although the effect is typically weaker than full emphasis spreading and usually has no effect on more distant vowels.
The velar fricative /x/ and the uvular consonant /q/ often cause partial backing of adjacent /a/ (and of /u/ and /i/ in Moroccan Arabic). For Moroccan Arabic, the effect is sometimes described as half as powerful as an emphatic consonant, as a vowel with uvular consonants on both sides is affected similarly to having an emphatic consonant on one side.
The pharyngeal consonants /ħ/ and /ʕ/ cause no emphasis spreading and may have little or no effect on adjacent vowels. In Egyptian Arabic, for example, /a/ adjacent to either sound is a fully front [æ]. In other dialects, /ʕ/ is more likely to have an effect than /ħ/.
In some Gulf Arabic dialects, /w/ and/or /l/ causes backing.
In some dialects, words such as الله/aɫɫaː/Allāh has backed [ɑ]'s and in some dialects also velarized /l/.
Vowels
Classical Arabic short vowels /a/, /i/ and /u/ undergo various changes.
Original final short vowels are mostly deleted.
Many Levantine Arabic dialects merge /i/ and /u/ into a phonemic /ə/ except when directly followed by a single consonant; this sound may appear allophonically as /i/ or /u/ in certain phonetic environments.
Maghreb dialects merge /a/ and /i/ into /ə/, which is deleted when unstressed. Tunisian maintains this distinction, but deletes these vowels in non-final open syllables.
Moroccan Arabic, under the strong influence of Berber, goes even further. Short /u/ is converted to labialization of an adjacent velar, or is merged with /ə/. This schwa then deletes everywhere except in certain words ending /-CCəC/.
The result is that there is no distinction between short and long vowels; borrowings from CA have "long" vowels (now pronounced half-long) uniformly substituted for original short and long vowels.
This also results in consonant clusters of great length, which are (more or less) syllabified according to a sonority hierarchy. For some subdialects, in practice, it is very difficult to tell where, if anywhere, there are syllabic peaks in long consonant clusters in a phrase such as /xsˤsˤktktbi/ "you (fem.) must write". Other dialects, in the North, make a clear distinction; they say /xəssək təktəb/ "you want to write", and not */xəssk ətkətb/.
In Moroccan Arabic, short /a/ and /i/ have merged, obscuring the original distribution. In this dialect, the two varieties have completely split into separate phonemes, with one or the other used consistently across all words derived from a particular root except in a few situations.
In Moroccan Arabic, the allophonic effect of emphatic consonants is more pronounced than elsewhere.
Full /a/ is affected as above, but /i/ and /u/ are also affected, and are to [e] and [o], respectively.
In some varieties, such as in Marrakesh, the effects are even more extreme (and complex), where both high-mid and low-mid allophones exist ([e] and [ɛ], [o] and [ɔ]), in addition to front-rounded allophones of original /u/ ([y], [ø], [œ]), all depending on adjacent phonemes.
On the other hand, emphasis spreading in Moroccan Arabic is less pronounced than elsewhere; usually it only spreads to the nearest full vowel on either side, although with some additional complications.
/i~ɪ/ and /u~ʊ/ in CA completely become /e/ and /o/ respectively in some other particular dialects.
In Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, short /i/ and /u/ are elided in various circumstances in unstressed syllables (typically, in open syllables; for example, in Egyptian Arabic, this occurs only in the middle vowel of a VCVCV sequence, ignoring word boundaries). In Levantine, however, clusters of three consonants are almost never permitted. If such a cluster would occur, it is broken up through the insertion of /ə/ – between the second and third consonants in Egyptian Arabic, and between the first and second in Levantine Arabic.
CA long vowels are shortened in some circumstances.
Original final long vowels are shortened in all dialects.
Egyptian Arabic also cannot tolerate long vowels followed by two consonants, and shortens them. (Such an occurrence was rare in CA, but often occurs in modern dialects as a result of elision of a short vowel.)
In most dialects, particularly sedentary ones, CA /a/ and /aː/ have two strongly divergent allophones, depending on the phonetic context.
Adjacent to an emphatic consonant and to /q/ (but not usually to other sounds derived from this, such as /ɡ/ or /ʔ/), a back variant [ɑ] occurs; elsewhere, a strongly fronted variant [æ]~[ɛ] is used.
The two allophones are in the process of splitting phonemically in some dialects, as [ɑ] occurs in some words (particularly foreign borrowings) even in the absence of any emphatic consonants anywhere in the word. (Some linguists have postulated additional emphatic phonemes in an attempt to handle these circumstances; in the extreme case, this requires assuming that every phoneme occurs doubled, in emphatic and non-emphatic varieties. Some have attempted to make the vowel allophones autonomous and eliminate the emphatic consonants as phonemes. Others have asserted that emphasis is actually a property of syllables or whole words rather than of individual vowels or consonants. None of these proposals seems particularly tenable, however, given the variable and unpredictable nature of emphasis spreading.)
Unlike other Arabic varieties, Hejazi Arabic did not develop allophones of the vowels /a/ and /aː/, and both are pronounced as [a] or [ä].
CA diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ have become [eː] or [e̞ː] and [oː] or [o̞ː] (but merge with original /iː/ and /uː/ in Maghreb dialects, which is probably a secondary development). The diphthongs are maintained in the Maltese language and some urban Tunisian dialects, particularly that of Sfax, while [eː] and [oː] also occur in some other Tunisian dialects, such as Monastir.
The placement of the stress accent is extremely variable between varieties; nowhere is it phonemic.
Most commonly, it falls on the last syllable containing a long vowel, or a short vowel followed by two consonants; but never farther from the end than the third-to-last syllable. This maintains the presumed stress pattern in CA (although there is some disagreement over whether stress could move farther back than the third-to-last syllable), and is also used in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA).
In CA and MSA, stress cannot occur on a final long vowel; however, this does not result in different stress patterns on any words, because CA final long vowels are shortened in all modern dialects, and any current final long vowels are secondary developments from words containing a long vowel followed by a consonant.
In Egyptian Arabic, the rule is similar, but stress falls on the second-to-last syllable in words of the form ...VCCVCV, as in /makˈtaba/.
In Maghrebi Arabic, stress is final in words of the (original) form CaCaC, after which the first /a/ is elided. Hence جَبَلǧabal "mountain" becomes [ˈʒbəl].
In Moroccan Arabic, phonetic stress is often not recognizable.
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Further reading
Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide. Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA Bucharest 2015
A Bibliography of Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe
AIDA – Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe
George GrigoreL'arabe parlé à Mardin. Monographie d'un parler arabe périphérique.[1]
Durand, O., (1995), Introduzione ai dialetti arabi, Centro Studi Camito-Semitici, Milan.
