Партия была основана в 1854 году активистами антирабовладельческого движения , которые выступали против Акта Канзаса-Небраски , который допускал потенциальное расширение рабства на западные территории Канзаса и Небраски. [19] Она поддерживала классический либерализм и экономическую реформу [20], одновременно выступая против расширения рабства на свободные территории. Первоначально партия имела очень ограниченное присутствие на Юге , но добилась успеха на Севере. К 1858 году она привлекла большинство бывших вигов и бывших фрисойлеров, чтобы сформировать большинство почти в каждом северном штате. Белые южане были встревожены угрозой работорговли . С избранием в 1860 году Авраама Линкольна , первого президента-республиканца, южные штаты вышли из состава Соединенных Штатов.
В 1854 году на севере США силами, выступавшими против расширения рабства , бывшими вигами и бывшими фрисойлерами , была основана Республиканская партия . Республиканская партия быстро стала главной оппозицией доминирующей Демократической партии и недолго популярной Партии ничего не знать . Партия выросла из оппозиции Закону Канзаса-Небраски , который отменил Миссурийский компромисс и открыл территории Канзаса и Небраски для рабства и будущего признания их в качестве рабовладельческих штатов. [35] [36] Они осуждали расширение рабства как великое зло, но не призывали к полной отмене , в том числе в южных штатах. Хотя противодействие расширению рабства было наиболее существенным основополагающим принципом партии, как и Партии вигов, которую она заменила, республиканцы также призывали к экономической и социальной модернизации . [37]
Партия возникла в результате великой политической перестройки середины 1850-х годов, объединившись в прокапиталистических позициях с членами, часто ценящими радикализм . [41] Историк Уильям Джинапп утверждает, что великая перестройка 1850-х годов началась до краха вигов и была вызвана не политиками, а избирателями на местном уровне. Центральными силами были этнокультурные, включавшие напряженность между пиетистскими протестантами и литургическими католиками , лютеранами и епископалами относительно католицизма, сухого закона и нативизма . Партия «Ничего не знаю» олицетворяла действующие социальные силы, но ее слабое руководство не смогло укрепить ее организацию, и республиканцы разобрали ее на части. Нативизм был настолько силен, что республиканцы не могли его избежать, но они минимизировали его и обратили гнев избирателей против угрозы того, что рабовладельцы скупят хорошие сельскохозяйственные земли везде, где было разрешено рабство. Перераспределение было мощным, поскольку оно заставило избирателей сменить партию, как это было продемонстрировано на примере взлета и падения партии «Ничего не знающих», подъема Республиканской партии и расколов в Демократической партии. [42] [43]
На первом Национальном съезде Республиканской партии в 1856 году , состоявшемся в зале Musical Fund Hall в Филадельфии , партия приняла национальную платформу, подчеркивающую несогласие с распространением рабства на свободные территории. [44] Хотя кандидат от республиканцев Джон К. Фремонт проиграл президентские выборы того года демократу Джеймсу Бьюкенену , Бьюкенен сумел победить только в четырех из четырнадцати северных штатов и с небольшим перевесом победил в своем родном штате Пенсильвания . [45] [46] Республиканцы добились большего успеха на выборах в Конгресс и местные органы власти, но кандидаты от Know Nothing заняли значительное количество мест, создав неловкую трехпартийную договоренность. Несмотря на потерю президентства и отсутствие большинства в Конгрессе США , республиканцы смогли организовать республиканского спикера Палаты представителей , который достался Натаниэлю П. Бэнксу . Историк Джеймс М. Макферсон пишет относительно выступления Бэнкса, что «если какой-либо момент и ознаменовал рождение Республиканской партии, то это был он» [47] .
Авраам Линкольн , 16-й президент (1861–1865) и первый республиканец, занявший этот пост
Республиканцы с нетерпением ждали выборов 1860 года . [48] Бывший представитель США от Иллинойса Авраам Линкольн потратил несколько лет на укрепление поддержки внутри партии, активно ведя кампанию за Фримонта в 1856 году и сделав заявку на место в Сенате в 1858 году , проиграв демократу Стивену А. Дугласу, но получив национальное внимание благодаря дебатам Линкольна и Дугласа, которые он спровоцировал. [46] [49] На Национальном съезде Республиканской партии 1860 года Линкольн консолидировал поддержку среди противников сенатора США от Нью-Йорка Уильяма Х. Сьюарда , ярого аболициониста, который, как опасались некоторые республиканцы, был слишком радикален для таких важных штатов, как Пенсильвания и Индиана , а также тех, кто не одобрял его поддержку ирландских иммигрантов. [48] Линкольн победил в третьем туре и в конечном итоге был избран президентом на всеобщих выборах в матче-реванше с Дугласом. Линкольн не был включен в избирательный бюллетень ни в одном южном штате, и даже если бы голоса за демократов не разделились между Дугласом, Джоном К. Брекинриджем и Джоном Беллом , республиканцы все равно победили бы, но без голосов избирателей . [48] Этот результат выборов помог начать Гражданскую войну в США , которая длилась с 1861 по 1865 год. [50]
Президентские выборы 1864 года объединили военных демократов с Республиканской партией в поддержку Линкольна и сенатора-демократа от Теннесси Эндрю Джонсона , который баллотировался на пост президента и вице-президента по списку Национальной юнионной партии ; [45] Линкольн был переизбран. [51] К июню 1865 года рабство было мертво в бывших Конфедеративных Штатах , но оставалось законным в некоторых пограничных штатах. Под руководством республиканцев в Конгрессе Тринадцатая поправка к Конституции США , которая запрещала рабство, за исключением наказания за преступление, была принята Сенатом 8 апреля 1864 года, Палатой представителей 31 января 1865 года и была ратифицирована требуемыми 27 из тогдашних 36 штатов 6 декабря 1865 года. [52]
Реконструкция, золотой стандарт и позолоченный век
Радикальные республиканцы во время президентства Линкольна считали, что он был слишком умерен в своих усилиях по искоренению рабства и выступали против его десятипроцентного плана . Радикальные республиканцы приняли законопроект Уэйда-Дэвиса в 1864 году, который стремился обеспечить принятие Железной клятвы для всех бывших конфедератов. Линкольн наложил вето на законопроект, полагая, что он поставит под угрозу мирную реинтеграцию бывших конфедеративных штатов. [53]
После убийства Линкольна Джонсон занял пост президента и был подвергнут осуждению радикальными республиканцами. Джонсон был едким в своей критике радикальных республиканцев во время национального тура перед выборами 1866 года . [54] Анти-Джонсоновские республиканцы получили большинство в две трети в обеих палатах Конгресса после выборов, что помогло проложить путь к его импичменту и почти полному отстранению от должности в 1868 году, [54] в том же году бывший генерал армии Союза Улисс С. Грант был избран следующим президентом-республиканцем .
Грант был радикальным республиканцем, что создало некоторое разделение внутри партии. Сенатор от Массачусетса Чарльз Самнер и сенатор от Иллинойса Лайман Трамбулл выступили против большинства его реконструкционистских политик. [55] Другие не согласились с крупномасштабной коррупцией, присутствовавшей в администрации Гранта , с формирующейся фракцией Stalwart, защищавшей Гранта и систему трофеев , и Half-Breeds, выступавшей за реформу государственной службы . [56] Республиканцы, выступавшие против Гранта, отделились и сформировали Либерально-республиканскую партию , выдвинув Хораса Грили на президентских выборах 1872 года . Демократическая партия попыталась извлечь выгоду из этого раскола в Республиканской партии, выдвинув Грили под своим партийным знаменем. Позиции Грили оказались несовместимыми с позицией Либерально-республиканской партии, которая его выдвинула, поскольку Грили поддерживал высокие тарифы , несмотря на оппозицию партии. [57] Грант был легко переизбран. [58] [59]
Президентские выборы 1876 года завершились спорным финалом, поскольку обе партии заявили о своей победе, несмотря на то, что три южных штата все еще официально не объявили победителя в конце дня выборов. На Юге имело место подавление избирателей , чтобы подавить голоса чернокожих и белых республиканцев, что дало контролируемым республиканцами должностным лицам по выборам достаточно оснований для заявления о том, что мошенничество, запугивание и насилие испортили результаты выборов в штатах. Они продолжили отбрасывать достаточно голосов демократов, чтобы республиканец Резерфорд Б. Хейс был объявлен победителем. [60] Тем не менее, демократы отказались принять результаты, и была создана Избирательная комиссия, состоящая из членов Конгресса, чтобы решить, кому будут присуждены голоса выборщиков штатов. После того, как Комиссия проголосовала по партийной линии в пользу Хейса, демократы пригрозили отложить подсчет голосов выборщиков на неопределенный срок, чтобы ни один президент не был инаугурирован 4 марта. Это привело к Компромиссу 1877 года , и Хейс наконец стал президентом. [61]
Хейс удвоил ставку на золотой стандарт , который был подписан Грантом в Законе о чеканке монет 1873 года , как решение депрессии американской экономики после паники того года . Он также считал, что гринбеки представляют угрозу; гринбеки были деньгами, напечатанными во время Гражданской войны, которые не были обеспечены звонкой монетой , против чего Хейс возражал как сторонник твердых денег . Хейс стремился пополнить запасы золота в стране, что к январю 1879 года удалось, поскольку золото чаще обменивалось на гринбеки, чем гринбеки обменивались на золото. [62] Перед президентскими выборами 1880 года республиканец Джеймс Г. Блейн баллотировался на партийную номинацию, поддерживая как продвижение золотого стандарта Хейса, так и его реформы государственной службы. После того, как и Блейн, и его оппонент Джон Шерман не смогли выиграть номинацию от республиканцев, каждый из них поддержал Джеймса А. Гарфилда на пост президента. Гарфилд согласился с предложением Хейса в пользу золотого стандарта, но выступил против его усилий по проведению гражданских реформ. [63] [64]
В 1884 году Блейн снова баллотировался на пост президента. Он выиграл номинацию от республиканцев, но проиграл всеобщие выборы демократу Гроверу Кливленду . Кливленд был первым демократом, избранным президентом после Джеймса Бьюкенена. Диссиденты-республиканцы, известные как Mugwumps , отошли от Блейна из-за коррупции, которая мешала его политической карьере. [66] [67] Кливленд придерживался политики золотого стандарта, [68] но он вступил в конфликт с республиканцами по поводу зарождающегося американского империализма . [69]
Республиканец Бенджамин Гаррисон победил Кливленд на выборах 1888 года . Во время своего президентства Гаррисон подписал Закон о пенсиях иждивенцам и инвалидам , который установил пенсии для всех ветеранов Союза, которые прослужили более 90 дней и не могли выполнять ручную работу. [70] После своего поражения от Кливленда на президентских выборах 1892 года Гаррисон безуспешно пытался провести договор об аннексии Гавайев до инаугурации Кливленда. Большинство республиканцев поддержали предложенную аннексию, [71] но Кливленд выступил против . [72]
На президентских выборах 1896 года платформа республиканца Уильяма Мак-Кинли поддерживала золотой стандарт и высокие тарифы, будучи создателем и тезкой тарифа Мак-Кинли 1890 года. Хотя до Национального съезда того года мнения по этому вопросу разделились , Мак-Кинли решил в своих предвыборных сообщениях отдать предпочтение золотому стандарту, а не свободному серебру , но пообещал продолжить биметаллизм , чтобы отразить сохраняющийся скептицизм по отношению к золотому стандарту, который сохранялся со времен паники 1893 года . [73] [74] Демократ Уильям Дженнингс Брайан оказался преданным приверженцем движения за свободное серебро, что стоило Брайану поддержки демократических институтов, таких как Таммани-холл , New York World и значительного большинства поддержки высшего и среднего класса Демократической партии. [75] Мак-Кинли победил Брайана [76] и вернул президентство под контроль республиканцев до президентских выборов 1912 года . [77]
Республиканцы вернулись на пост президента в 1920-х годах, одержав победу на платформах нормальности , эффективности, ориентированной на бизнес, и высоких тарифов. [79] Национальная партийная платформа избегала упоминания о запрете, вместо этого выдвигая неопределенные обязательства по закону и порядку . [80] Скандал с Teapot Dome грозил навредить партии при Уоррене Г. Гардинге . Он умер в 1923 году, и Кэлвин Кулидж легко победил расколотую оппозицию в 1924 году. [81] Про-бизнес политика десятилетия привела к беспрецедентному процветанию, пока крах Уолл-стрит в 1929 году не возвестил о Великой депрессии. [82]
Рузвельт и эпоха Нового курса
Коалиция Нового курса, сформированная президентом-демократом Франклином Д. Рузвельтом, контролировала американскую политику большую часть следующих трех десятилетий, за исключением президентства республиканца Дуайта Д. Эйзенхауэра в 1950-х годах. После того, как Рузвельт вступил в должность в 1933 году, законодательство Нового курса прошло через Конгресс, и экономика резко поднялась с самого низа в начале 1933 года. Однако долгосрочная безработица оставалась обузой до 1940 года. На выборах 1934 года 10 сенаторов-республиканцев потерпели поражение, оставив Республиканскую партию всего с 25 сенаторами против 71 демократа. В Палате представителей также было подавляющее большинство демократов. [83]
В отличие от «умеренного», интернационалистского, в основном восточного блока республиканцев, которые приняли (или, по крайней мере, согласились) с некоторыми положениями «революции Рузвельта» и основными предпосылками внешней политики президента Гарри С. Трумэна , республиканские правые в глубине души были контрреволюционерами. Антиколлективистские, антикоммунистические , антиновые, страстно преданные ограниченному правительству , экономике свободного рынка и прерогативам конгресса (в отличие от исполнительной власти), консерваторы-республиканцы были вынуждены с самого начала вести постоянную войну на два фронта: против либеральных демократов извне и «тоже» республиканцев изнутри. [86]
После 1945 года интернационалистское крыло Республиканской партии сотрудничало с внешней политикой Трумэна времен холодной войны , финансировало план Маршалла и поддерживало НАТО , несмотря на продолжающийся изоляционизм старых правых. [87]
Эйзенхауэр победил лидера консерваторов сенатора Роберта А. Тафта на выборах президента от Республиканской партии в 1952 году , но консерваторы доминировали во внутренней политике администрации Эйзенхауэра . Избирателям Эйзенхауэр нравился гораздо больше, чем Республиканская партия, и он оказался неспособным сместить партию на более умеренную позицию. [88]
Республиканская партия продолжала контролировать Белый дом с 1969 по 1977 год при 37-м президенте Ричарде Никсоне , а когда он ушел в отставку в 1974 году из-за Уотергейтского скандала , Джеральд Форд стал 38-м президентом, занимавшим этот пост до 1977 года. Рональд Рейган позже победил действующего президента-демократа Джимми Картера на президентских выборах в США в 1980 году и стал 40-м президентом 20 января 1981 года. [91]
эра Рейгана
Президентство Рейгана , длившееся с 1981 по 1989 год, представляло собой то, что известно как « революция Рейгана ». [92] Оно рассматривалось как фундаментальный сдвиг от стагфляции 1970-х годов, предшествовавшей ему, с введением экономической политики Рейгана, направленной на сокращение налогов, отдачу приоритета государственному дерегулированию и перераспределение финансирования из внутренней сферы в военную, чтобы сдержать Советский Союз , используя теорию сдерживания . Во время визита в тогдашний Западный Берлин в июне 1987 года он обратился к советскому лидеру Михаилу Горбачеву во время речи у Берлинской стены , требуя, чтобы он « Снес эту стену! ». Это замечание позже было расценено как влиятельное при падении стены в ноябре 1989 года и ретроспективно рассматривалось как выдающееся достижение за эти годы. [93] Советский Союз был распущен в 1991 году . [94] [95] [96] После президентства Рейгана кандидаты в президенты от Республиканской партии часто заявляли, что разделяют взгляды Рейгана, и стремились представить себя и свою политику как наследников его наследия. [97]
Буш проиграл переизбрание в 1992 году , получив 37 процентов голосов избирателей ; Клинтон набрал большинство в 43 процента, а Перо занял третье место с 19 процентами. Хотя ведутся споры о том, стоила ли кандидатура Перо переизбрания Буша, Чарли Кук утверждал, что послания Перо имели вес среди республиканских и консервативных избирателей. [100] Впоследствии Перо сформировал Партию реформ ; будущий президент-республиканец Дональд Трамп был ее членом. [101]
Однако большинство избирателей не слышали о Контракте, и победу республиканцев приписали традиционному голосованию против действующего президента на промежуточных выборах, и республиканцы впервые со времен Реконструкции стали партией большинства на Юге, победив многих бывших южных демократов . [104] Гингрич был назначен спикером, и в течение первых 100 дней республиканского большинства были приняты все предложения, включенные в Контракт, за исключением ограничений сроков полномочий членов Конгресса, которые не прошли в Сенате. [105] [104] Одним из ключей к успеху Гингрича в 1994 году была национализация выборов, [103] что, в свою очередь, привело к тому, что он стал национальной фигурой во время выборов в Палату представителей 1996 года , и многие лидеры демократов провозгласили Гингрича ревностным радикалом. [106] [107] Республиканцы впервые с 1928 года сохранили свое большинство , несмотря на то, что Боб Доул с легкостью проиграл Клинтону на президентских выборах . Однако общенациональный авторитет Гингрича оказался губительным для Республиканского конгресса, который пользовался поддержкой большинства избирателей, несмотря на относительную непопулярность Гингрича. [106]
После того, как Гингрич и республиканцы заключили сделку с Клинтоном по Закону о сбалансированном бюджете 1997 года , который включал снижение налогов, республиканское большинство в Палате представителей столкнулось с трудностями при созыве по новой повестке дня перед выборами 1998 года . [108] Во время продолжающегося импичмента Билла Клинтона в 1998 году Гингрич решил сделать неправомерное поведение Клинтона партийным посланием перед выборами, полагая, что это увеличит их большинство. Стратегия оказалась ошибочной, и республиканцы потеряли пять мест, хотя было ли это из-за плохого послания или популярности Клинтона, обеспечивающей эффект фалды, является предметом споров. [109] Гингрич был отстранен от партийной власти из-за своих результатов, в конечном итоге решив вообще уйти из Конгресса. В течение короткого времени после этого казалось, что представитель Луизианы Боб Ливингстон станет его преемником; Ливингстон, однако, отказался от рассмотрения и ушел из Конгресса после того, как негативные сообщения о делах поставили под угрозу законодательную повестку дня Республиканской палаты, если бы он стал спикером. [110] Представитель Иллинойса Деннис Хастерт был назначен спикером вместо Ливингстона и проработал на этой должности до 2007 года. [111]
21 век
Джордж Буш-младший
Джордж Буш-младший , 43-й президент (2001–2009) и сын Джорджа Буша-старшего
Республиканец Джордж Буш-младший победил на президентских выборах 2000 и 2004 годов . [112] В 2000 году он проводил кампанию как « сострадательный консерватор », желая лучше привлечь иммигрантов и избирателей из числа меньшинств. [113] Целью было отдать приоритет программам реабилитации наркоманов и помощи заключенным в возвращении в общество, шаг, призванный извлечь выгоду из более жестких инициатив президента Клинтона в области борьбы с преступностью, таких как законопроект его администрации 1994 года о преступности . Платформа не получила большой поддержки среди членов партии во время его президентства. [114]
Республиканская партия оставалась довольно сплоченной большую часть 2000-х годов, поскольку как сильные экономические либертарианцы , так и социальные консерваторы выступали против демократов, которых они считали партией раздутого, светского и либерального правительства. [115] В этот период произошел подъем «проправительственных консерваторов» — основной части базы Буша — значительной группы республиканцев, которые выступали за увеличение государственных расходов и большее регулирование, охватывающее как экономику, так и личную жизнь людей, а также за активистскую и интервенционистскую внешнюю политику. [116] Такие исследовательские группы, как Pew Research Center, обнаружили, что социальные консерваторы и сторонники свободного рынка оставались двумя другими основными группами в коалиции поддержки партии, причем все три были примерно равны по численности. [117] [118] Однако либертарианцы и консерваторы, склоняющиеся к либертарианству, все чаще находили недостатки в том, что они считали ограничением республиканцами жизненно важных гражданских свобод, в то время как корпоративное благосостояние и государственный долг значительно выросли за время правления Буша. [119] Напротив, некоторые социальные консерваторы выразили недовольство поддержкой партией экономической политики, которая противоречила их моральным ценностям. [120]
Республиканская партия потеряла большинство в Сенате в 2001 году, когда Сенат разделился поровну; тем не менее, республиканцы сохранили контроль над Сенатом из-за решающего голоса вице-президента Буша Дика Чейни . Демократы получили контроль над Сенатом 6 июня 2001 года, когда сенатор-республиканец от Вермонта Джим Джеффордс сменил свою партийную принадлежность на демократов. Республиканцы вернули себе большинство в Сенате на выборах 2002 года , чему способствовал всплеск популярности Буша после атак 11 сентября , и республиканское большинство в Палате представителей и Сенате сохранялось до тех пор, пока демократы не вернули себе контроль над обеими палатами на выборах 2006 года , в основном из-за растущей оппозиции войне в Ираке . [121] [122] [123]
Когда Обама был переизбран президентом в 2012 году , победив республиканца Митта Ромни , [138] Республиканская партия потеряла семь мест в Палате представителей , но все еще сохранила контроль над этой палатой. [139] Однако республиканцы не смогли получить контроль над Сенатом , сохранив свой статус меньшинства с чистой потерей двух мест. [140] После поражения некоторые видные республиканцы выступили против своей собственной партии. [141] [142] [143] Анализ выборов 2012 года, проведенный Республиканской партией, пришел к выводу, что партии необходимо сделать больше на национальном уровне, чтобы привлечь голоса меньшинств и молодых избирателей. [144] В марте 2013 года председатель Национального комитета Республиканской партии Райнс Прибус опубликовал отчет о неудачах партии на выборах в 2012 году, призвав республиканцев переосмыслить себя и официально поддержать иммиграционную реформу. Он предложил 219 реформ, включая маркетинговую кампанию стоимостью 10 миллионов долларов для охвата женщин, меньшинств и геев; установление более короткого и более контролируемого сезона предварительных выборов; и создание лучших возможностей для сбора данных. [145]
После выборов 2014 года Республиканская партия взяла под контроль Сенат, получив девять мест. [146] Имея 247 мест в Палате представителей и 54 места в Сенате, республиканцы в конечном итоге добились своего самого большого большинства в Конгрессе с 71-го Конгресса в 1929 году. [147]
На президентских выборах 2016 года кандидат от республиканцев Дональд Трамп победил кандидата от демократов Хиллари Клинтон . Результат оказался неожиданным; опросы, предшествовавшие выборам, показали, что Клинтон лидирует в гонке. [148] Победа Трампа была обусловлена победами с небольшим перевесом в трех штатах — Мичигане , Пенсильвании и Висконсине , — которые десятилетиями были частью демократической «голубой стены» . [149] Это объяснялось сильной поддержкой среди белых избирателей рабочего класса, которые чувствовали себя отвергнутыми и неуважаемыми политическим истеблишментом. [150] [151] Трамп стал популярен среди них, отказавшись от ортодоксальности республиканского истеблишмента в пользу более широкого националистического послания. [149]
После выборов 2016 года республиканцы сохранили свое большинство в Сенате , Палате представителей и губернаторских должностях , а также овладели вновь приобретенной исполнительной властью с избранием Трампа. Республиканская партия контролировала 69 из 99 законодательных палат штатов в 2017 году, что является наибольшим показателем за всю ее историю. [152] Партия также занимала 33 губернаторских должности, [153] что является наибольшим показателем с 1922 года. [154] Партия полностью контролировала правительство в 25 штатах; [155] [156] она не контролировала столько штатов с 1952 года. [157] Противоположная Демократическая партия полностью контролировала только пять штатов в 2017 году. [158] На выборах 2018 года республиканцы потеряли контроль над Палатой представителей, но укрепили свое влияние в Сенате. [159]
В 2022 и 2023 годах судьи Верховного суда, назначенные Трампом, сыграли решающую роль в принятии знаковых решений по вопросам права на оружие , абортов и позитивной дискриминации . [170] [171] Партия пошла на выборы 2022 года уверенной в себе, и аналитики предсказывали красную волну , но в конечном итоге она не оправдала ожиданий: избиратели в колеблющихся штатах и конкурентных округах присоединились к демократам, отвергнув кандидатов, которых поддержал Трамп или которые отрицали результаты выборов 2020 года. [172] [173] [174] Партия получила контроль над Палатой представителей с небольшим большинством, [175] но проиграла в Сенате и нескольких законодательных большинствах штатов и губернаторских должностях. [176] [177] [178] Результаты привели к тому, что ряд республиканцев и лидеров консервативной мысли усомнились в том, что Трамп должен продолжать оставаться главным главой и лидером партии. [179] [180] Несмотря на это, Трамп легко выиграл номинацию на пост кандидата от партии на президентских выборах 2024 года . [181]
Основатели Республиканской партии выбрали ее название как дань уважения ценностям республиканизма , продвигаемым Демократической республиканской партией, которую ее основатель Томас Джефферсон называл «Республиканской партией». [183] Идея названия пришла из редакционной статьи ведущего публициста партии Хораса Грили, который призвал к «какому-нибудь простому названию, например «Республиканец», [которое] более подходило бы для обозначения тех, кто объединился, чтобы восстановить Союз в его истинной миссии поборника и пропагандиста Свободы, а не пропагандиста рабства». [184] Название отражает республиканские ценности 1776 года гражданской добродетели и противостояния аристократии и коррупции. [185] «Республиканец» имеет множество значений по всему миру, и Республиканская партия развивалась таким образом, что эти значения больше не всегда совпадают. [186] [121]
Термин «Grand Old Party» является традиционным прозвищем Республиканской партии, а аббревиатура «GOP» является общеупотребительным обозначением. Термин возник в 1875 году в Congressional Record , ссылаясь на партию, связанную с успешной военной обороной Союза как «эта доблестная старая партия». В следующем году в статье в Cincinnati Commercial термин был изменен на «grand old party». Первое использование аббревиатуры датируется 1884 годом. [187]
Традиционным талисманом партии является слон. Политическая карикатура Томаса Наста , опубликованная в Harper's Weekly 7 ноября 1874 года, считается первым важным использованием символа. [188] Альтернативным символом Республиканской партии в таких штатах, как Индиана, Нью-Йорк и Огайо, является белоголовый орлан, в отличие от демократического петуха или демократической пятиконечной звезды. [189] [190] В Кентукки символом Республиканской партии является бревенчатая хижина . [191]
Традиционно партия не имела постоянной цветовой идентичности. [192] [193] [194] После президентских выборов 2000 года красный цвет стал ассоциироваться с республиканцами. Во время и после выборов основные вещательные сети использовали одну и ту же цветовую схему для избирательной карты: штаты, в которых победил кандидат от республиканцев Джордж Буш-младший, были окрашены в красный цвет, а штаты, в которых победил кандидат от демократов Эл Гор, были окрашены в синий цвет. Из-за недельных споров о результатах выборов эти цветовые ассоциации прочно укоренились, сохраняясь в последующие годы. Хотя присвоение цветов политическим партиям является неофициальным и неформальным, средства массовой информации стали представлять соответствующие политические партии, используя эти цвета. Партия и ее кандидаты также стали использовать красный цвет. [195]
Карикатура Томаса Наста 1874 года , на которой впервые заметно появление республиканского слона [196]
Красно-бело-синий слон
Логотип-баннер Республиканской партии, ок. 2013 г.
Логотип-баннер Республиканской партии, ок. 2017 г.
Фракции
Эпоха гражданской войны и реконструкции
Представитель США Таддеус Стивенс , считающийся лидером радикальных республиканцев, был ярым противником рабства и дискриминации афроамериканцев .
В 19 веке республиканские фракции включали радикальных республиканцев . Они были основным фактором партии с момента ее создания в 1854 году до конца эпохи Реконструкции в 1877 году. Они решительно выступали против рабства , были жесткими аболиционистами и позже выступали за равные права для освобожденных мужчин и женщин. Они находились под сильным влиянием религиозных идеалов и евангельского христианства ; многие были христианскими реформаторами, которые считали рабство злом , а Гражданскую войну — наказанием Божьим за него. [197] Радикальные республиканцы настаивали на отмене рабства как на главной цели войны и выступали против умеренных планов Реконструкции Авраама Линкольна, считая их слишком мягкими по отношению к конфедератам и недостаточно далеко идущими, чтобы помочь бывшим рабам, которые были освобождены во время или после Гражданской войны Прокламацией об освобождении и Тринадцатой поправкой . После окончания войны и убийства Линкольна радикалы столкнулись с Эндрю Джонсоном из-за политики Реконструкции. Радикалы возглавили усилия после войны по установлению гражданских прав для бывших рабов и полной реализации эмансипации. После того, как безуспешные меры в 1866 году привели к насилию против бывших рабов в мятежных штатах, радикалы протолкнули Четырнадцатую поправку для законодательной защиты через Конгресс . Они выступали против того, чтобы бывшие офицеры Конфедерации вернули себе политическую власть на юге США , и подчеркивали свободу, равенство и Пятнадцатую поправку , которая предоставляла избирательные права вольноотпущенникам . Многие позже стали Stalwarts , которые поддерживали политику машины.
Умеренные республиканцы были известны своей лояльной поддержкой военной политики президента Авраама Линкольна и выражали антипатию к более воинственным позициям, отстаиваемым радикальными республиканцами. По словам историка Эрика Фонера , лидерами фракции в Конгрессе были Джеймс Г. Блейн , Джон А. Бингем , Уильям П. Фессенден , Лайман Трамбулл и Джон Шерман . В отличие от радикалов, умеренные республиканцы были менее воодушевлены вопросом избирательного права для чернокожих, даже принимая гражданское равенство и обширную федеральную власть, наблюдаемую на протяжении всей Гражданской войны в США . Они также скептически относились к снисходительной, примирительной политике Реконструкции президента Эндрю Джонсона. Члены умеренных республиканцев включали в себя часть предыдущих радикальных республиканцев, которые разочаровались в предполагаемой коррупции последней фракции. Чарльз Самнер , сенатор от Массачусетса , возглавлявший радикальных республиканцев в 1860-х годах, позже присоединился к реформаторски настроенным умеренным, поскольку позже он выступил против коррупции, связанной с администрацией Гранта . Они в целом выступали против усилий радикальных республиканцев по восстановлению Юга США в рамках экономически мобильной, свободно-рыночной системы. [198]
На заре 20-го века Республиканская партия раскололась на Старых правых и умеренно-либеральную фракцию на северо-востоке, которые в конечном итоге стали известны как Рокфеллеровские республиканцы . Оппозиция Новому курсу Рузвельта привела к формированию консервативной коалиции . [84] 1950-е годы стали свидетелями слияния традиционалистского и социального консерватизма и правого либертарианства, [199] а также подъема Первых новых правых, за которыми в 1964 году последовало более популистское Вторых новых правых . [200] Рост коалиции Рейгана посредством «революции Рейгана» в 1980-х годах положил начало тому, что было названо эпохой Рейгана . Подъем Рейгана вытеснил либерально-умеренную фракцию Республиканской партии и установил консерватизм в стиле Рейгана в качестве преобладающей идеологической фракции партии на следующие тридцать лет, до подъема правой популистской фракции. [9] [23]
Правый популизм становился все более доминирующей идеологической фракцией внутри Республиканской партии на протяжении 2010-х годов и помог привести к выборам Дональда Трампа в 2016 году. [150] Начиная с 1970-х годов и ускоряясь в 2000-х годах, американские правые группы интересов вкладывали значительные средства во внешние средства мобилизации, что привело к организационному ослаблению истеблишмента Республиканской партии. Чрезмерная роль консервативных СМИ, в частности Fox News , привела к тому, что республиканская база следовала за ними и доверяла им больше, чем традиционным партийным элитам. Истощение организационного потенциала частично привело к победе Трампа на республиканских праймериз вопреки желаниям очень слабого партийного истеблишмента и традиционных посредников власти. [203] : 27–28 Избрание Трампа обострило внутренние расколы в Республиканской партии, [203] : 18 и привело к тому, что Республиканская партия перешла от центристской коалиции умеренных и консерваторов к прочно правой партии, враждебной либеральным взглядам и любым отклонениям от партийной линии. [204]
С тех пор партия столкнулась с интенсивной фракционностью, [205] [206] а также претерпела значительное снижение влияния своей консервативной фракции. [22] [13] [207] [24] [30] Избрание Трампа раскололо как Республиканскую партию, так и более широкое консервативное движение на фракции трампистов и антитрампистов . [208] [209]
Эти фракции особенно очевидны в Палате представителей США. Три лидера республиканской партии были отстранены от должности с 2009 года . [25] Лидер большинства в Палате представителей Эрик Кантор потерпел поражение на предварительных выборах в 2014 году от сторонника «Партии чаепития» Дэйва Брета за поддержку иммиграционной реформы . [210] Джон Бёнер , спикер Палаты представителей с 2011 по 2015 год, ушел в отставку в 2015 году после того, как столкнулся с ходатайством об освобождении . [211] [212] 7 января 2023 года после 15 туров голосования Кевин Маккарти был избран на пост спикера. Это были первые выборы спикера с несколькими бюллетенями с 1923 года . [213] Впоследствии он был отстранен от должности 3 октября 2023 года голосованием, проведенным 8 членами фракции Трампа вместе с 208 демократами Палаты представителей. [214]
Консерваторы
Процент самоидентифицированных консерваторов по штатам в 2018 году, согласно опросу Гэллапа : [215]
Во внешней политике неоконсерваторы — это небольшая фракция Республиканской партии, которая поддерживает интервенционистскую внешнюю политику и увеличение военных расходов. Ранее они имели значительное влияние в начале 2000-х годов при планировании первоначального ответа на атаки 11 сентября посредством войны с террором . [201] После избрания Трампа в 2016 году неоконсерватизм пошел на спад, а невмешательство и изоляционизм выросли среди избранных федеральных республиканских должностных лиц. [32] [218] [219]
Долгосрочные сдвиги в консервативном мышлении после избрания Трампа были описаны как «новый фьюжн» традиционной консервативной идеологии и правопопулистских тем. [32] Они привели к сдвигам в сторону большей поддержки национального консерватизма , [220] протекционизма , [221] культурного консерватизма , более реалистичной внешней политики, отказа от неоконсерватизма , сокращения усилий по отмене программ социальных пособий и пренебрежения к традиционным сдержкам и противовесам. [32] [222] Внутри партии существуют значительные разногласия по вопросам абортов и однополых браков . [223] [224]
Христианские правые наиболее сильны в Библейском поясе , который охватывает большую часть юга Соединенных Штатов . [243] Майк Пенс , вице-президент Дональда Трампа с 2017 по 2021 год, был членом христианских правых. [244] В октябре 2023 года член фракции христианских правых, представитель Луизианы Майк Джонсон , был избран 56-м спикером Палаты представителей Соединенных Штатов. [245] [246]
Известные умеренные республиканцы включают сенаторов Лизу Мурковски из Аляски и Сьюзан Коллинз из Мэна, [261] [262] [263] [264] губернатор Невады Джо Ломбардо , губернатор Вермонта Фил Скотт , бывший губернатор Массачусетса Чарли Бейкер и бывший губернатор Мэриленда Ларри Хоган . [265] [266] [267]
Правый популизм является доминирующей политической фракцией Республиканской партии. [c] Иногда его называют движением MAGA или « Америка прежде всего », [276] [277] Республиканские популисты описываются как состоящие из ряда правых идеологий, включая, помимо прочего, правый популизм, [150] [278] [279] национальный консерватизм , [280] неонационализм , [281] и трампизм . [269] [282] [283] Их описывают как американский политический вариант крайне правых . [d] Выборы Трампа в 2016 году раскололи партию на протрамповскую и антитрамповскую фракции. [208] [209]
Популистские и крайне правые движения Республиканской партии возникли одновременно с глобальным ростом популистских движений в 2010-х и 2020-х годах [202] , в сочетании с укреплением и усилением партийности внутри партии с 2010 года, подпитываемым ростом движения «Чаепитие» , которое также описывалось как крайне правое. [287] По словам политологов Мэтта Гроссмана и Дэвида А. Хопкинса, успехи Республиканской партии среди белых избирателей без высшего образования способствовали росту правого популизма. [31] По словам историка Гэри Герстла , трампизм получил поддержку в противовес неолиберализму , включая противодействие свободной торговле , иммиграции и интернационализму . [28] [288]
Крайне правая фракция поддерживает сокращение расходов. [289] [290] В международных отношениях популисты поддерживают помощь США Израилю, но не Украине, [291] [292] в целом поддерживают улучшение отношений с Россией , [293] [294] [295] и выступают за изоляционистскую внешнеполитическую повестку дня « Америка прежде всего ». [296] [297] [298] [223] Они в целом отвергают компромисс внутри партии и с демократами , [299] [300] и готовы вытеснить коллег-республиканцев, занимающих слишком умеренные должности. [301] [302] По сравнению с другими республиканцами, популистская фракция с большей вероятностью выступит против легальной иммиграции , [303] свободной торговли, [304] неоконсерватизма , [305] и законов об охране окружающей среды . [306]
Джулия Азари, доцент кафедры политологии в Университете Маркетт , отметила, что не все республиканцы-трамписты публично поддерживают Дональда Трампа, и что некоторые республиканцы одобряют политику Трампа, дистанцируясь от Трампа как от личности. [314] Продолжающееся доминирование Трампа в Республиканской партии ограничило успех этой стратегии. [315] [316] В 2024 году Трамп возглавил захват Национального комитета Республиканской партии , назначив Лару Трамп его новым сопредседателем. [317]
Джозеф Лаундес, профессор политологии в Университете Орегона , утверждал, что, хотя нынешние крайне правые республиканцы поддерживают Трампа, фракция возникла до и, вероятно, будет существовать после Трампа. [318] Лилиана Мейсон, доцент политологии в Университете Джонса Хопкинса, утверждает, что Дональд Трамп укрепил тенденцию среди южных белых консервативных демократов с 1960-х годов покидать Демократическую партию и присоединяться к Республиканской партии : «Трамп по сути работал как громоотвод, чтобы завершить этот процесс создания Республиканской партии как единого образования для защиты высокого статуса белых, христиан, сельских американцев. Не так уж много американцев придерживаются этих убеждений, и это даже не вся Республиканская партия; это всего лишь около половины. Но сама партия контролируется этой нетерпимой, очень сильно протрамповской фракцией». [319] По словам социолога Джо Фейгина , политическая поляризация со стороны расово-экстремистских республиканцев, а также повышенное внимание к ним со стороны консервативных СМИ привели к почти полному исчезновению умеренных республиканцев и создали законодательный паралич на многих уровнях правительства за последние несколько десятилетий. [320]
Политические позиции
Экономическая политика
Республиканцы считают, что свободные рынки и индивидуальные достижения являются основными факторами экономического процветания. [321] Сокращение подоходных налогов является основным компонентом фискальной повестки дня республиканцев. [322]
Налоги
Снижение налогов было основой республиканской экономической политики с 1980 года. [323] На национальном уровне и уровне штатов республиканцы, как правило, проводят политику снижения налогов и дерегулирования. [324] Современные республиканцы отстаивают теорию экономики предложения , которая гласит, что более низкие налоговые ставки увеличивают экономический рост. [325] Многие республиканцы выступают против более высоких налоговых ставок для более высокооплачиваемых лиц , которые, по их мнению, несправедливо нацелены на тех, кто создает рабочие места и богатство. Они считают, что частные расходы более эффективны, чем государственные расходы. Республиканские законодатели также стремились ограничить финансирование налогового правоприменения и сбора налогов . [326]
Согласно исследованию 2021 года, в котором измерялось количество голосов республиканцев в Конгрессе, позиции современной Республиканской партии в экономической политике, как правило, совпадают с интересами бизнеса и богатых людей. [327] [328] [329] [330] [331]
Расходы
Республиканцы часто выступают в пользу фискального консерватизма во время правления демократов; однако партия имеет опыт увеличения федерального долга в периоды, когда она контролирует правительство (примерами этого являются реализация налоговых льгот Буша, Medicare Часть D и Закон о налоговых льготах и рабочих местах 2017 года). [332] [333] [334] Республиканские администрации с конца 1960-х годов поддерживали или увеличивали предыдущие уровни государственных расходов. [335] [336]
Права
Республиканцы считают, что люди должны брать на себя ответственность за свои собственные обстоятельства. Они также считают, что частный сектор более эффективен в помощи бедным через благотворительность, чем правительство через программы социального обеспечения, и что программы социальной помощи часто вызывают зависимость от правительства. [337] По состоянию на ноябрь 2022 года все 11 штатов, которые не расширили Medicaid, имели контролируемые республиканцами законодательные органы штатов . [338]
Профсоюзы и минимальная заработная плата
Республиканская партия в целом выступает против профсоюзов. [339] [340] Республиканцы считают, что корпорации должны иметь возможность устанавливать собственную практику трудоустройства, включая льготы и заработную плату, при этом свободный рынок должен определять цену труда. С 1920-х годов республиканцы, как правило, встречали противодействие со стороны профсоюзных организаций и членов. На национальном уровне республиканцы поддержали Закон Тафта-Хартли 1947 года, который дает работникам право не участвовать в профсоюзах. Современные республиканцы на уровне штатов в целом поддерживают различные законы о праве на труд . [e] [ необходима цитата ]
Большинство республиканцев также выступают против повышения минимальной заработной платы , полагая, что такое повышение наносит ущерб предприятиям, вынуждая их сокращать и передавать рабочие места на аутсорсинг, перекладывая издержки на потребителей. [342]
Торговля
Представитель Джастин С. Моррилл (республиканец от Вермонта) разработал проект тарифа Моррилла , положивший начало периоду протекционизма в Соединенных Штатах до 1913 года. [343]
Закон о взаимных тарифах 1934 года ознаменовал резкий отход от эпохи протекционизма в Соединенных Штатах. Американские пошлины на иностранные товары снизились в среднем с 46% в 1934 году до 12% к 1962 году, что включало президентство президента-республиканца Дуайта Д. Эйзенхауэра . [349] После Второй мировой войны США продвигали Генеральное соглашение по тарифам и торговле (ГАТТ), созданное в 1947 году, чтобы минимизировать тарифы и другие ограничения и либерализовать торговлю между всеми капиталистическими странами. [350] [351]
Во время администраций Рейгана и Джорджа Буша-старшего республиканцы отказались от протекционистской политики [352] и выступили против квот и в пользу политики ГАТТ и Всемирной торговой организации минимальных экономических барьеров для мировой торговли. Свободная торговля с Канадой возникла в результате Канадско-американского соглашения о свободной торговле 1987 года, которое привело в 1994 году к Североамериканскому соглашению о свободной торговле (НАФТА), основанному на плане Рейгана по расширению сферы действия рынка для американских фирм за счет включения Канады и Мексики. Президент Билл Клинтон при сильной поддержке республиканцев в 1993 году протолкнул НАФТА через Конгресс, несмотря на яростные возражения профсоюзов. [353] [354]
Выборы 2016 года ознаменовали возвращение к поддержке протекционизма, начавшееся с президентства Дональда Трампа . [355] [356] В 2017 году только 36% республиканцев согласились с тем, что соглашения о свободной торговле полезны для Соединенных Штатов , по сравнению с 67% демократов. Когда их спросили, помогла ли свободная торговля респондентам конкретно, цифры одобрения демократов упали до 54%, однако рейтинги одобрения среди республиканцев остались относительно неизменными на уровне 34%. [357] Во время своего президентства Трамп вывел Соединенные Штаты из Транстихоокеанского партнерства , инициировал торговую войну с Китаем и вел переговоры о USMCA как о преемнике НАФТА. [356] [358]
Трамп также заблокировал назначения в Апелляционный орган Всемирной торговой организации , что сделало его неспособным обеспечивать соблюдение и наказывать нарушителей правил ВТО. [359] [33] Впоследствии несоблюдение правил торговли возросло, что привело к принятию дополнительных мер протекционизма в торговле. [360] Администрация Байдена сохранила заморозку Трампа на новые назначения. [33] Предложенная платформа Республиканской партии на 2024 год была еще более протекционистской, призывая к введению пошлин на большую часть импорта. [34]
Экологическая политика
Исторически прогрессивные лидеры Республиканской партии поддерживали защиту окружающей среды . Президент-республиканец Теодор Рузвельт был видным защитником окружающей среды , чья политика в конечном итоге привела к созданию Службы национальных парков . [363] Хотя президент-республиканец Ричард Никсон не был защитником окружающей среды, он подписал закон о создании Агентства по охране окружающей среды в 1970 году и имел комплексную экологическую программу. [364] Однако эта позиция изменилась с 1980-х годов и администрации президента Рональда Рейгана , который назвал экологические нормы бременем для экономики. [365] С тех пор республиканцы все чаще занимают позицию против экологического регулирования, [366] [367] [368] при этом многие республиканцы отвергают научный консенсус по изменению климата . [365] [369] [370] [371]
В 2006 году тогдашний губернатор Калифорнии Арнольд Шварценеггер порвал с республиканской ортодоксальностью, подписав несколько законопроектов, устанавливающих ограничения на выбросы углерода в Калифорнии. Тогдашний президент Джордж Буш-младший выступал против обязательных ограничений на национальном уровне. Решение Буша не регулировать углекислый газ как загрязняющее вещество было оспорено в Верховном суде 12 штатами , [372] с решением суда против администрации Буша в 2007 году. [373] Буш также публично выступил против ратификации Киотских протоколов [365] [374] , которые были направлены на ограничение выбросов парниковых газов и, таким образом, борьбу с изменением климата ; его позиция подверглась резкой критике со стороны климатологов. [375]
Многие республиканцы во время президентства Барака Обамы выступали против новых экологических норм его администрации, таких как нормы по выбросам углерода из угля. В частности, многие республиканцы поддерживали строительство трубопровода Keystone ; эта позиция была поддержана бизнесом, но противостояла группам коренных народов и активистам-экологам. [378] [379] [380]
По данным Центра американского прогресса , некоммерческой либеральной правозащитной группы, более 55% конгрессменов-республиканцев отрицали изменение климата в 2014 году. [381] [382] PolitiFact в мае 2014 года обнаружил, что «относительно немногие республиканцы в Конгрессе... принимают преобладающий научный вывод о том, что глобальное потепление является как реальным, так и созданным человеком». Группа нашла восемь членов, которые признали это, хотя группа признала, что их может быть больше, и что не все члены Конгресса заняли определенную позицию по этому вопросу. [383] [384]
С 2008 по 2017 год Республиканская партия перешла от «обсуждения того, как бороться с антропогенным изменением климата, к утверждению, что его не существует», согласно The New York Times . [385] В январе 2015 года возглавляемый республиканцами Сенат США проголосовал 98 голосами против 1 за принятие резолюции, признающей, что «изменение климата реально и не является обманом»; однако поправка, гласящая, что «деятельность человека вносит значительный вклад в изменение климата», была поддержана только пятью сенаторами-республиканцами. [386]
Здравоохранение
Партия выступает против системы здравоохранения с одним плательщиком , [387] [388] описывая ее как социализированную медицину . Она также выступает против Закона о доступном медицинском обслуживании [389] и расширения Medicaid. [390] Исторически сложилось так, что внутри Республиканской и Демократической партий существовали различные и пересекающиеся взгляды на роль правительства в здравоохранении, но обе партии стали сильно поляризованными по этому вопросу в 2008–2009 годах и позже. [391]
И республиканцы, и демократы вносили различные предложения по созданию федерально финансируемой медицинской страховки для пожилых людей до двухпартийных усилий по созданию Medicare и Medicaid в 1965 году. [392] [393] [394] Ни один республиканский член Конгресса не голосовал за Закон о доступном медицинском обслуживании в 2009 году, и после его принятия партия предприняла частые попытки отменить его. [391] [395] На уровне штатов партия, как правило, занимала позицию против расширения Medicaid . [324] [394]
The Republican Party has a persistent history of skepticism and opposition to multilateralism in American foreign policy.[398]Neoconservatism, which supports unilateralism and emphasizes the use of force and hawkishness in American foreign policy, has had some influence in all Republican presidential administration since Ronald Reagan's presidency.[399] Some, including paleoconservatives,[400] call for non-interventionism and an isolationist "America First" foreign policy agenda.[32][218][219] This faction gained strength starting in 2016 with the rise of Donald Trump, demanding that the United States reset its previous interventionist foreign policy and encourage allies and partners to take greater responsibility for their own defense.[401]
Israel
During the 1940s, Republicans predominantly opposed the cause of an independent Jewish state due to the influence of conservatives of the Old Right.[402] In 1948, Democratic President Harry Truman became the first world leader to recognize an independent state of Israel.[403]
The rise of neoconservatism saw the Republican Party become predominantly pro-Israel by the 1990s and 2000s,[404] although notable anti-Israel sentiment persisted through paleoconservative figures such as Pat Buchanan.[405] As president, Donald Trump generally supported Israel during most of his term, but became increasingly critical of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu towards the end of it.[406] After the 7 October 2023 Hamas terrorist attack on Israel, Trump blamed Netanyahu for having failed to prevent the attack.[407] Trump previously criticized the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and expressed doubt about whether Netanyahu truly desired peace with the Palestinians.[408] According to i24NEWS, the 2020s have seen declining support for Israel among nationalist Republicans, led by individuals such as Tucker Carlson.[409][402] Nevertheless, the 2024 Republican Party platform reaffirmed the party would "stand with Israel" and called for the deportation of "pro-Hamas radicals", while expressing a desire for peace in the Middle East.[410]
Taiwan
In the party's 2016 platform,[411] its stance on Taiwan is: "We oppose any unilateral steps by either side to alter the status quo in the Taiwan Straits on the principle that all issues regarding the island's future must be resolved peacefully, through dialogue, and be agreeable to the people of Taiwan." In addition, if "China were to violate those principles, the United States, in accord with the Taiwan Relations Act, will help Taiwan defend itself".
The 2016 Republican platform eliminated references to giving weapons to Ukraine in its fight with Russia and rebel forces; the removal of this language reportedly resulted from intervention from staffers to presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump.[414] However, the Trump administration approved a new sale of anti-tank weapons to Ukraine in 2017.[415] Republicans generally question European NATO members' insufficient investment in defense funding, and some are dissatisfied with U.S. aid to Ukraine.[416][417] Some Republican members of the U.S. Congress support foreign aid to Israel but not to Ukraine,[291][292] and are accused by U.S. media of being pro-Russian.[223][293][294][295][296][297][298]
Amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine, several prominent Republicans criticized some colleagues and conservative media outlets for echoing Russian propaganda. Liz Cheney, formerly the third-ranking House Republican, said "a Putin wing of the Republican Party" had emerged. Republican Senator Mitt Romney characterized pro-Putin sentiments expressed by some Republicans as "almost treasonous." Former vice president Mike Pence said, "There is no room in the Republican Party for apologists for Putin." House Foreign Affairs Committee chairman Michael McCaul asserted that Russian propaganda had "infected a good chunk of my party's base," attributing the cause to "nighttime entertainment shows" and "conspiracy-theory outlets that are just not accurate, and they actually model Russian propaganda." House Intelligence Committee chairman Mike Turner confirmed McCaul's assessment, asserting that some propaganda coming directly from Russia could be heard on the House floor. Republican senator Thom Tillis characterized the influential conservative commentator Tucker Carlson, who frequently expresses pro-Russia sentiments, as Russia's "useful idiot".[418][419][420][421]
In April 2024, a majority of Republican members of the U.S. House of Representatives voted against a military aid package to Ukraine.[422] Both Trump and Senator JD Vance, the 2024 Republican presidential nominee and vice presidential nominee respectively, have been vocal critics of military aid to Ukraine and advocates of a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine.[423][424][425][426] The 2024 Republican Party platform did not mention Russia or Ukraine, but stated the party's objectives to "prevent World War III" and "restore peace to Europe".[427]
Foreign relations and aid
In a 2014 poll, 59% of Republicans favored doing less abroad and focusing on the country's own problems instead.[428]
Republicans have frequently advocated for restricting foreign aid as a means of asserting the national security and immigration interests of the United States.[429][430][431]
A survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs shows that "Trump Republicans seem to prefer a US role that is more independent, less cooperative, and more inclined to use military force to deal with the threats they see as the most pressing".[432]
Social issues
The Republican Party is generally associated with social conservative policies, although it does have dissenting centrist and libertarian factions. The social conservatives support laws that uphold their traditional values, such as opposition to same-sex marriage, abortion, and marijuana.[433] The Republican Party's positions on social and cultural issues are in part a reflection of the influential role that the Christian right has had in the party since the 1970s.[434][435][436] Most conservative Republicans also oppose gun control, affirmative action, and illegal immigration.[433][437]
Abortion and embryonic stem cell research
The Republican position on abortion has changed significantly over time.[228][438] During the 1960s and early 1970s, opposition to abortion was concentrated among members of the political left and the Democratic Party; most liberal Catholics — which tended to vote for the Democratic Party — opposed expanding abortion access while most conservative evangelical Protestants supported it.[438]
During this period, Republicans generally favored legalized abortion more than Democrats,[439][440] although significant heterogeneity could be found within both parties.[441] Leading Republican political figures, including Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush, took pro-choice positions until the early 1980s.[439] However, starting at this point, both George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan described themselves as pro-life during their presidencies.
In the 21st century, both George W. Bush[442] and Donald Trump described themselves as "pro-life" during their terms. However, Trump stated that he supported the legality and ethics of abortion before his candidacy in 2015.[443]
Summarizing the rapid shift in the Republican and Democratic positions on abortion, Sue Halpern writes:[228]
...in the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Republicans were behind efforts to liberalize and even decriminalize abortion; theirs was the party of reproductive choice, while Democrats, with their large Catholic constituency, were the opposition. Republican governor Ronald Reagan signed the California Therapeutic Abortion Act, one of the most liberal abortion laws in the country, in 1967, legalizing abortion for women whose mental or physical health would be impaired by pregnancy, or whose pregnancies were the result of rape or incest. The same year, the Republican strongholds of North Carolina and Colorado made it easier for women to obtain abortions. New York, under Governor Nelson Rockefeller, a Republican, eliminated all restrictions on women seeking to terminate pregnancies up to twenty-four weeks gestation.... Richard Nixon, Barry Goldwater, Gerald Ford, and George H.W. Bush were all pro-choice, and they were not party outliers. In 1972, a Gallup poll found that 68 percent of Republicans believed abortion to be a private matter between a woman and her doctor. The government, they said, should not be involved...
Since the 1980s, opposition to abortion has become strongest in the party among traditionalist Catholics and conservative Protestant evangelicals.[228][441][444] Initially, evangelicals were relatively indifferent to the cause of abortion and overwhelmingly viewed it as a concern that was sectarian and Catholic.[444] Historian Randall Balmer notes that Billy Graham's Christianity Today published in 1968 a statement by theologian Bruce Waltke that:[445] "God does not regard the fetus as a soul, no matter how far gestation has progressed. The Law plainly exacts: "If a man kills any human life he will be put to death" (Lev. 24:17). But according to Exodus 21:22-24, the destruction of the fetus is not a capital offense. ... Clearly, then, in contrast to the mother, the fetus is not reckoned as a soul." Typical of the time, Christianity Today "refused to characterize abortion as sinful" and cited "individual health, family welfare, and social responsibility" as "justifications for ending a pregnancy."[446] Similar beliefs were held among conservative figures in the Southern Baptist Convention, including W. A. Criswell, who is partially credited with starting the "conservative resurgence" within the organization, who stated: "I have always felt that it was only after a child was born and had a life separate from its mother that it became an individual person and it has always, therefore, seemed to me that what is best for the mother and for the future should be allowed." Balmer argues that evangelical American Christianity being inherently tied to opposition to abortion is a relatively new occurrence.[446][447] After the late 1970s, he writes, opinion against abortion among evangelicals rapidly shifted in favor of its prohibition.[444]
Today, opinion polls show that Republican voters are heavily divided on the legality of abortion,[224] although vast majority of the party's national and state candidates are anti-abortion and oppose elective abortion on religious or moral grounds. While many advocate exceptions in the case of incest, rape or the mother's life being at risk, in 2012 the party approved a platform advocating banning abortions without exception.[448] There were not highly polarized differences between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party prior to the Roe v. Wade 1973 Supreme Court ruling (which made prohibitions on abortion rights unconstitutional), but after the Supreme Court ruling, opposition to abortion became an increasingly key national platform for the Republican Party.[449][450][451] As a result, Evangelicals gravitated towards the Republican Party.[449][450] Most Republicans oppose government funding for abortion providers, notably Planned Parenthood.[452] This includes support for the Hyde Amendment.
Until its dissolution in 2018, Republican Majority for Choice, an abortion rights PAC, advocated for amending the GOP platform to include pro-abortion rights members.[453]
The Republican Party has pursued policies at the national and state-level to restrict embryonic stem cell research beyond the original lines because it involves the destruction of human embryos.[454][455]
After the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022, a majority of Republican-controlled states passed near-total bans on abortion, rendering it largely illegal throughout much of the United States.[456][457]
Affirmative action
Republicans generally oppose affirmative action, often describing it as a "quota system" and believing that it is not meritocratic and is counter-productive socially by only further promoting discrimination. According to a 2023 ABC poll, a majority of Americans (52%) and 75% of Republicans supported the Supreme Court's decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard prohibiting race as a factor in college admissions, compared to only 26% of Democrats.[458]
The 2012 Republican national platform stated, "We support efforts to help low-income individuals get a fair chance based on their potential and individual merit; but we reject preferences, quotas, and set-asides, as the best or sole methods through which fairness can be achieved, whether in government, education or corporate boardrooms…Merit, ability, aptitude, and results should be the factors that determine advancement in our society."[459][460][461][462]
Gun ownership
A 2021 survey of U.S. opinion on gun control issues, revealing deep divides along political lines.[463]
Republicans generally support gun ownership rights and oppose laws regulating guns. According to a 2023 Pew Research Center poll, 45% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents personally own firearms, compared to 32% for the general public and 20% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents.[464]
In contrast, George H. W. Bush, formerly a lifelong NRA member, was highly critical of the organization following their response to the Oklahoma City bombing authored by CEO Wayne LaPierre, and publicly resigned in protest.[469]
Drug legalization
Republican elected officials have historically supported the War on Drugs. They generally oppose legalization or decriminalization of drugs such as marijuana.[470][471][472]
Opposition to the legalization of marijuana has softened significantly over time among Republican voters.[473][474] A 2021 Quinnipiac poll found that 62% of Republicans supported the legalization of recreational marijuana use and that net support for the position was +30 points.[470] Some Republican-controlled states have legalized medical and recreational marijuana in recent years.[475]
Immigration
The Republican Party has taken widely varying views on immigration throughout its history.[9] In the period between 1850 and 1870, the Republican Party was more opposed to immigration than the Democrats. The GOP's opposition was, in part, caused by its reliance on the support of anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant parties such as the Know-Nothings. In the decades following the Civil War, the Republican Party grew more supportive of immigration, as it represented manufacturers in the northeast (who wanted additional labor); during this period, the Democratic Party came to be seen as the party of labor (which wanted fewer laborers with which to compete). Starting in the 1970s, the parties switched places again, as the Democrats grew more supportive of immigration than Republicans.[476]
In 2006, the Republican-led Senate passed comprehensive immigration reform that would eventually have allowed millions of illegal immigrants to become citizens. Despite the support of Republican President George W. Bush, the House of Representatives (also led by Republicans) did not advance the bill.[477] After Republican Mitt Romney was defeated in the 2012 presidential election, particularly due to a lack of support among Latinos,[478][479] several Republicans advocated a friendlier approach to immigrants that would allow for more migrant workers and a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. The Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013 passed the Senate 68–32, but was not brought to a vote in the House and died in the 113th Congress.[480] In a 2013 poll, 60% of Republicans supported the pathway to citizenship concept.[481]
In 2016, Donald Trump proposed to build a wall along the southern border of the United States. Trump immigration policies during his administration included a travel ban from multiple Muslim-majority countries, a Remain in Mexico policy for asylum-seekers, a controversial family separation policy, and attempting to end DACA.[303][482] During the tenure of Democratic President Joe Biden, the Republican Party has continued to take a hardline stance against illegal immigration. The Party largely opposes immigration reform,[483] although there are widely differing views on immigration within the Party.[480] The Party's proposed 2024 platform was opposed to immigration, and called for the mass deportation of all illegal immigrants in the United States.[34]
LGBT issues
Similar to the Democratic Party, the Republican position on LGBT rights has changed significantly over time, with continuously increasing support among both parties on the issue.[484][485] The Log Cabin Republicans is a group within the Republican Party that represents LGBT conservatives and allies and advocates for LGBT rights.[486][487]
From the early-2000s to the mid-2010s, Republicans opposed same-sex marriage, while being divided on the issue of civil unions and domestic partnerships for same-sex couples.[488] During the 2004 election, George W. Bush campaigned prominently on a constitutional amendment to prohibit same-sex marriage; many believe it helped Bush win re-election.[489][490] In both 2004[491] and 2006,[492] President Bush, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, and House Majority Leader John Boehner promoted the Federal Marriage Amendment, a proposed constitutional amendment which would legally restrict the definition of marriage to heterosexual couples.[493][494][495] In both attempts, the amendment failed to secure enough votes to invoke cloture and thus ultimately was never passed. As more states legalized same-sex marriage in the 2010s, Republicans increasingly supported allowing each state to decide its own marriage policy.[496] As of 2014, most state GOP platforms expressed opposition to same-sex marriage.[497] The 2016 GOP Platform defined marriage as "natural marriage, the union of one man and one woman," and condemned the Supreme Court's ruling legalizing same-sex marriages.[498][499] The 2020 platform, which reused the 2016 platform, retained the statements against same-sex marriage.[500][501][502]
Following his election as president in 2016, Donald Trump stated that he had no objection to same-sex marriage or to the Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, but had previously promised to consider appointing a Supreme Court justice to roll back the constitutional right.[489][503] In office, Trump was the first sitting Republican president to recognize LGBT Pride Month.[504] Conversely, the Trump administration banned transgender individuals from service in the United States military and rolled back other protections for transgender people which had been enacted during the previous Democratic presidency.[505]
The Republican Party platform previously opposed the inclusion of gay people in the military and opposed adding sexual orientation to the list of protected classes since 1992.[506][507][508] The Republican Party opposed the inclusion of sexual preference in anti-discrimination statutes from 1992 to 2004.[509] The 2008 and 2012 Republican Party platform supported anti-discrimination statutes based on sex, race, age, religion, creed, disability, or national origin, but both platforms were silent on sexual orientation and gender identity.[510][511] The 2016 platform was opposed to sex discrimination statutes that included the phrase "sexual orientation".[512][513] The same 2016 platform rejected Obergefell v. Hodges, and was also used for the party's 2020 platform.[514] In the early 2020s, numerous Republican-led states proposed or passed laws limiting or banning transgender care for minors, public performances of drag shows, and teaching schoolchildren about LGBT topics.[515]
On November 6, 2021, RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel announced the creation of the "RNC Pride Coalition", in partnership with the Log Cabin Republicans, to promote outreach to LGBTQ voters.[516] However, after the announcement, McDaniel apologized for not having communicated the announcement in advance and emphasized that the new outreach program did not alter the 2016 GOP Platform.[517]
As of 2023, a majority of Republican voters support same-sex marriage.[484][518][519] According to FiveThirtyEight, as of 2022, Republican voters are consistently more open to same-sex marriage than their representatives.[520][521] The party platform approved at the 2024 Republican National Convention removed opposition to same-sex marriage, though it did oppose transgender rights and teaching about LGBT topics in schools.[34]
Voting rights
Virtually all restrictions on voting have in recent years been implemented by Republicans. Republicans, mainly at the state level, argue that the restrictions (such as the purging of voter rolls, limiting voting locations, and limiting early and mail-in voting) are vital to prevent voter fraud, saying that voter fraud is an underestimated issue in elections. Polling has found majority support for early voting, automatic voter registration and voter ID laws among the general population.[522][523][524]
In defending their restrictions to voting rights, Republicans have made false and exaggerated claims about the extent of voter fraud in the United States; all existing research indicates that it is extremely rare,[525][526][527][528] and civil and voting rights organizations often accuse Republicans of enacting restrictions to influence elections in the party's favor. Many laws or regulations restricting voting enacted by Republicans have been successfully challenged in court, with court rulings striking down such regulations and accusing Republicans of establishing them with partisan purpose.[527][528]
After the Supreme Court decision in Shelby County v. Holder rolled back aspects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Republicans introduced cuts to early voting, purges of voter rolls and imposition of strict voter ID laws.[529] The 2016 Republican platform advocated proof of citizenship as a prerequisite for registering to vote and photo ID as a prerequisite when voting.[530]
After Donald Trump and his Republican allies made false claims of fraud during the 2020 presidential election, Republicans launched a nationwide effort to impose tighter election laws at the state level.[531][532][533] Such bills are centered around limiting mail-in voting, strengthening voter ID laws, shortening early voting, eliminating automatic and same-day voter registration, curbing the use of ballot drop boxes, and allowing for increased purging of voter rolls.[534][535] Republicans in at least eight states have also introduced bills that would give lawmakers greater power over election administration, after they were unsuccessful in their attempts to overturn election results in swing states won by Biden.[536][537][538][539]
Supporters of the bills argue they would improve election security and reverse temporary changes enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic; they point to false claims of significant election fraud, as well as the substantial public distrust of the integrity of the 2020 election those claims have fostered,[f] as justification.[542][543][544] Political analysts say that the efforts amount to voter suppression, are intended to advantage Republicans by reducing the number of people who vote, and would disproportionately affect minority voters.[545][546][547][548]
Composition
Percent of self-identified conservatives by state in 2018, according to a Gallup poll:[215]
According to a 2015 Gallup poll, 25% of Americans identify as Republican and 16% identify as leaning Republican. In comparison, 30% identify as Democratic and 16% identify as leaning Democratic. The Democratic Party has typically held an overall edge in party identification since Gallup began polling on the issue in 1991.[549]
As of the 2020s, the party derives its strongest support from rural voters, evangelical Christians and Latter-day Saints, men, senior citizens, and white voters without college degrees.[551][552][553][554] The party has made significant gains among the white working class, Hispanics, and Orthodox Jews,[555][556] but has lost support among upper middle class and college-educated whites.[557][558]
Demographics
Gender
Since 1980, a "gender gap" has seen stronger support for the Republican Party among men than among women. Unmarried and divorced women were far more likely to vote for Democrat John Kerry than for Republican George W. Bush in the 2004 presidential election.[559] In 2006 House races, 43% of women voted Republican while 47% of men did so.[560] In the 2010 midterms, the "gender gap" was reduced, with women supporting Republican and Democratic candidates equally (49%–49%).[561][562] Exit polls from the 2012 elections revealed a continued weakness among unmarried women for the GOP, a large and growing portion of the electorate.[563] Although women supported Obama over Mitt Romney by a margin of 55–44% in 2012, Romney prevailed amongst married women, 53–46%.[564] Obama won unmarried women 67–31%.[565]
However, according to a December 2019 study, "White women are the only group of female voters who support Republican Party candidates for president. They have done so by a majority in all but 2 of the last 18 elections".[566][567]
The Republican Party has steadily increased the percentage of votes it receives from white voters without college degrees since the 1970s, even as the educational attainment of the United States has steadily increased.[31][557] Since the 2010s, a similar trend in the opposite direction has been seen among white voters with college degrees, who have been increasingly voting for the Democratic Party.[568][569] White voters without college degrees tend to be more socially conservative and more likely to live in rural areas.[570] In the 2020 United States presidential election, Donald Trump won 67% of white voters without a college degree, compared to 48% of white voters with a college degree.[571][568][569]
In 2012, the Pew Research Center conducted a study of registered voters with a 35–28 Democrat-to-Republican gap. They found that self-described Democrats had an eight-point advantage over Republicans among college graduates and a fourteen-point advantage among all post-graduates polled. Republicans had an eleven-point advantage among White men with college degrees; Democrats had a ten-point advantage among women with degrees. Democrats accounted for 36% of all respondents with an education of high school or less; Republicans accounted for 28%. When isolating just White registered voters polled, Republicans had a six-point advantage overall and a nine-point advantage among those with a high school education or less.[572] Following the 2016 presidential election, exit polls indicated that "Donald Trump attracted a large share of the vote from Whites without a college degree, receiving 72 percent of the White non-college male vote and 62 percent of the White non-college female vote." Overall, 52% of voters with college degrees voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016, while 52% of voters without college degrees voted for Trump.[573]
Ethnicity
Republicans have been winning under 15% of the African American vote in national elections since 1980. The party abolished chattel slavery under Abraham Lincoln, defeated the Slave Power, and gave Black people the legal right to vote during Reconstruction in the late 1860s. Until the New Deal of the 1930s, Black people supported the Republican Party by large margins.[574] Black delegates were a sizable share of southern delegates to the national Republican convention from Reconstruction until the start of the 20th century when their share began to decline.[575] Black people shifted in large margins to the Democratic Party in the 1930s, when Black politicians such as Arthur Mitchell and William Dawson supported the New Deal because it would better serve the interest of Black Americans.[576] Black voters would become one of the core components of the New Deal coalition. In the South, after the Voting Rights Act to prohibit racial discrimination in elections was passed by a bipartisan coalition in 1965, Black people were able to vote again and ever since have formed a significant portion (20–50%) of the Democratic vote in that region.[577]
In the 2010 elections, two African American Republicans, Tim Scott and Allen West, were elected to the House of Representatives. As of January 2023, there are four African-American Republicans in the House of Representatives and one African American Republican in the United States Senate.[578] In recent decades, Republicans have been moderately successful in gaining support from Hispanic and Asian American voters. George W. Bush, who campaigned energetically for Hispanic votes, received 35% of their vote in 2000 and 44% in 2004.[579][580][581] The party's strong anti-communist stance has made it popular among some minority groups from current and former Communist states, in particular Cuban Americans, Korean Americans, Chinese Americans and Vietnamese Americans. The 2007 election of Bobby Jindal as Governor of Louisiana was hailed as pathbreaking.[582] Jindal became the first elected minority governor in Louisiana and the first state governor of Indian descent.[583]
Republicans have gained support among racial and ethnic minorities, particularly among those who are working class, Hispanic or Latino, or Asian American since the 2010s.[584][585][586][587][588][589] According to John Avlon, in 2013, the Republican party was more ethnically diverse at the statewide elected official level than the Democratic Party was; GOP statewide elected officials included Latino Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval and African-American U.S. senator Tim Scott of South Carolina.[590]
In the 2008 presidential election, Republican presidential candidate John McCain won 55% of White votes, 35% of Asian votes, 31% of Hispanic votes and 4% of African American votes.[591] In 2012, 88% of Romney voters were White while 56% of Obama voters were White.[592] In the 2022 U.S. House elections, Republicans won 58% of White voters, 40% of Asian voters, 39% of Hispanic voters, and 13% of African American voters.[593]
As of 2020, Republican candidates had lost the popular vote in seven out of the last eight presidential elections.[594] Since 1992, the only time they won the popular vote in a presidential election is the 2004 United States presidential election. Demographers have pointed to the steady decline of its core base of older, rural White voters (as a percentage of the eligible voters).[595][596][597][598] However, Donald Trump managed to increase non-White support to 26% of his total votes in the 2020 election — the highest percentage for a GOP presidential candidate since 1960.[599][600]
Religious communities
Religion has always played a major role for both parties, but in the course of a century, the parties' religious compositions have changed. Religion was a major dividing line between the parties before 1960, with Catholics, Jews, and southern Protestants heavily Democratic and northeastern Protestants heavily Republican. Most of the old differences faded away after the realignment of the 1970s and 1980s that undercut the New Deal coalition.[601] Voters who attended church weekly gave 61% of their votes to Bush in 2004; those who attended occasionally gave him only 47%; and those who never attended gave him 36%. Fifty-nine percent of Protestants voted for Bush, along with 52% of Catholics (even though John Kerry was Catholic). Since 1980, a large majority of evangelicals has voted Republican; 70–80% voted for Bush in 2000 and 2004 and 70% for Republican House candidates in 2006.
Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, who reside predominantly in Utah and several neighboring states, voted 75% or more for George W. Bush in 2000.[602] Members of the Mormon faith had a mixed relationship with Donald Trump during his tenure, despite 67% of them voting for him in 2016 and 56% of them supporting his presidency in 2018, disapproving of his personal behavior such as that shown during the Access Hollywood controversy.[603] In the 2020 United States presidential election, Trump underperformed in heavily-Mormon Utah by a margin of more than 20% compared to Mitt Romney (who is Mormon) in 2012 and George W. Bush in 2004. Their opinion on Trump had not affected their party affiliation, however, as 76% of Mormons in 2018 expressed preference for generic Republican congressional candidates.[604]
Jews continue to vote 70–80% Democratic; however, a slim majority of Orthodox Jews voted for the Republican Party in 2016, following years of growing Orthodox Jewish support for the party due to its social conservatism and increasingly pro-Israel foreign policy stance.[605] Over 70% of Orthodox Jews identify as Republican or Republican leaning as of 2021.[606] An exit poll conducted by the Associated Press for 2020 found 35% of Muslims voted for Donald Trump.[607] The mainline traditional Protestants (Methodists, Lutherans, Presbyterians, Episcopalians and Disciples) have dropped to about 55% Republican (in contrast to 75% before 1968). Democrats have close links with the African American churches, especially the National Baptists, while their historic dominance among Catholic voters has eroded to 54–46 in the 2010 midterms.[608]
Although once strongly Democratic, American Catholic voters have been politically divided in the 21st century with 52% of Catholic voters voting for Trump in 2016 and 52% voting for Biden in 2020. While Catholic Republican leaders try to stay in line with the teachings of the Catholic Church on subjects such as abortion, contraception, euthanasia, and embryonic stem cell research, they tend to differ on the death penalty and same-sex marriage.[609]Pope Francis' 2015 encyclical Laudato si' sparked a discussion on the positions of Catholic Republicans in relation to the positions of the Church.
The Pope's encyclical on behalf of the Catholic Church officially acknowledges a man-made climate change caused by burning fossil fuels.[610] The Pope says the warming of the planet is rooted in a throwaway culture and the developed world's indifference to the destruction of the planet in pursuit of short-term economic gains. According to The New York Times, Laudato si' put pressure on the Catholic candidates in the 2016 election: Jeb Bush, Bobby Jindal, Marco Rubio and Rick Santorum.[611]
With leading Democrats praising the encyclical, James Bretzke, a professor of moral theology at Boston College, has said that both sides were being disingenuous: "I think it shows that both the Republicans and the Democrats ... like to use religious authority and, in this case, the Pope to support positions they have arrived at independently ... There is a certain insincerity, hypocrisy I think, on both sides".[612] While a Pew Research poll indicates Catholics are more likely to believe the Earth is warming than non-Catholics, 51% of Catholic Republicans believe in global warming (less than the general population) and only 24% of Catholic Republicans believe global warming is caused by human activity.[613]
Members of the business community
The Republican Party has traditionally been a pro-business party. It garners major support from a wide variety of industries from the financial sector to small businesses. Republicans are 24 percent more likely to be business owners than Democrats.[614] Prominent business lobbying groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and National Association of Manufacturers have traditionally supported Republican candidates and economic policies.[615][616] Although both major parties support capitalism, the Republican Party is more likely to favor private property rights (including intellectual property rights) than the Democratic Party over competing interests such as protecting the environment or lowering medication costs.[617][618][619]
^Attributed to the following sources.[9][22][13][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30]
^Attributed to multiple references.[229][230][231][232][233][234][235][236][237][238][239][240]
^Attributed to multiple sources.[9][22][13][23][24][26][269][270][271][272][273][274][275]
^Attributed to the following sources.[284][285][286][272][273][274][275]
^Right-to-work laws ban union security agreements, which require all workers in a unionized workplace to pay dues or a fair-share fee regardless of whether they are members of the union or not.[341]
^According to an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, while more than 60% of Americans believe the 2020 election was secure, a large majority of Republican voters say they do not trust the results of the 2020 election.[540] According to a poll by Quinnipiac, 77% of Republicans believe there was widespread voter fraud.[541]
^ a b c dDied in office.
^Resigned from office.
^Comparing seats held immediately preceding and following the general election.
^Incumbent vice-president James S. Sherman was re-nominated as Taft's running-mate, but died six days prior to the election. Butler was chosen to receive the Republican vice-presidential votes after the election.
^Although Hayes won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Samuel J. Tilden won a majority of the popular vote.
^Although Harrison won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Grover Cleveland won a plurality of the popular vote.
^Although Bush won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Al Gore won a plurality of the popular vote.
^Although Trump won a majority of votes in the Electoral College, Democrat Hillary Clinton won a plurality of the popular vote.
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Further reading
The Almanac of American Politics 2022 (2022) details on members of Congress, and the governors: their records and election results; also state and district politics; revised every two years since 1975. details Archived January 7, 2022, at the Wayback Machine; see The Almanac of American Politics
American National Biography (20 volumes, 1999) covers all politicians no longer alive; online at many academic libraries and at Wikipedia Library Archived October 30, 2020, at the Wayback Machine.
Aberbach, Joel D., ed. and Peele, Gillian, ed. Crisis of Conservatism?: The Republican Party, the Conservative Movement, and American Politics after Bush (Oxford UP, 2011). 403pp
Aistrup, Joseph A. The Southern Strategy Revisited: Republican Top-Down Advancement in the South (1996).
Black, Earl and Merle Black. The Rise of Southern Republicans (2002).
Bowen, Michael, The Roots of Modern Conservatism: Dewey, Taft, and the Battle for the Soul of the Republican Party. (U of North Carolina Press, 2011). xii, 254pp.
Brennan, Mary C. Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP (1995).
Conger, Kimberly H. The Christian Right in Republican State Politics (2010) 202 pages; focuses on Arizona, Indiana, and Missouri.
Crane, Michael. The Political Junkie Handbook: The Definitive Reference Books on Politics (2004) covers all the major issues explaining the parties' positions.
Critchlow, Donald T. The Conservative Ascendancy: How the Republican Right Rose to Power in Modern America (2nd ed. 2011).
Ehrman, John, The Eighties: America in the Age of Reagan (2005).
Fauntroy, Michael K. Republicans and the Black vote (2007).
Fried, J (2008). Democrats and Republicans – Rhetoric and Reality. New York: Algora Publishing.
Frank, Thomas. What's the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (2005).
Frum, David.What's Right: The New Conservative Majority and the Remaking of America (1996).
Gould, Lewis L. The Republicans : A History of the Grand Old Party (2nd ed, 2014); First edition 2003 was entitled: Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans online 2nd edition' th standard scholarly history
Hemmer, Nicole. Partisans: The Conservative Revolutionaries Who Remade American Politics in the 1990s (2022)
Jensen, Richard (1983). Grass Roots Politics: Parties, Issues, and Voters, 1854–1983. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 083716382X. Archived from the original on May 19, 2020. Retrieved September 10, 2017.
Judis, John B. and Ruy Teixeira. The Emerging Democratic Majority (2004), two Democrats project social trends.
Kabaservice, Geoffrey. Rule and Ruin: The Downfall of Moderation and the Destruction of the Republican Party, From Eisenhower to the Tea Party (2012) scholarly history ISBN 978-0199768400.
Kleppner, Paul, et al. The Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1983), applies party systems model.
Kurian, George Thomas ed. The Encyclopedia of the Republican Party (4 vol., 2002).
Lamis, Alexander P. ed. Southern Politics in the 1990s (1999).
Levendusky, Matthew. The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans (2009). Chicago Studies in American Politics.
Mason, Robert. The Republican Party and American Politics from Hoover to Reagan (2011).
Mason, Robert and Morgan, Iwan (eds.) Seeking a New Majority: The Republican Party and American Politics, 1960–1980. (2013) Nashville, TN. Vanderbilt University Press. 2013.
Mayer, George H. The Republican Party, 1854–1966. 2d ed. (1967); a standard scholarly history; online
Reinhard, David W. The Republican Right since 1945 (1983).
Rutland, Robert Allen. The Republicans: From Lincoln to Bush (1996).
Sabato, Larry J.Divided States of America: The Slash and Burn Politics of the 2004 Presidential Election (2005).
Sabato, Larry J. and Bruce Larson. The Party's Just Begun: Shaping Political Parties for America's Future (2001), textbook.
Schlesinger, Arthur Meier Jr. ed. History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–2000 (various multivolume editions, latest is 2001). Essays on the most important election are reprinted in Schlesinger, The Coming to Power: Critical presidential elections in American history (1972). online editions
Shafer, Byron E. and Anthony J. Badger, eds. Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 (2001), essays by specialists on each time period:
includes: "To One or Another of These Parties Every Man Belongs": 1820–1865 by Joel H. Silbey; "Change and Continuity in the Party Period: 1835–1885" by Michael F. Holt; "The Transformation of American Politics: 1865–1910" by Peter H. Argersinger; "Democracy, Republicanism, and Efficiency: 1885–1930" by Richard Jensen; "The Limits of Federal Power and Social Policy: 1910–1955" by Anthony J. Badger; "The Rise of Rights and Rights Consciousness: 1930–1980" by James T. Patterson; and "Economic Growth, Issue Evolution, and Divided Government: 1955–2000" by Byron E. Shafer.
Shafer, Byron and Richard Johnston. The End of Southern Exceptionalism (2006), uses statistical election data and polls to argue GOP growth was primarily a response to economic change.
Steely, Mel. The Gentleman from Georgia: The Biography of Newt Gingrich Mercer University Press, 2000. ISBN 0865546711.
Sundquist, James L. Dynamics of the Party System: Alignment and Realignment of Political Parties in the United States (1983).
Wooldridge, Adrian and John Micklethwait. The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (2004).
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